In this work, a general framework for the analysis of governance of artificial intelligence is presented. A dashboard is presented for this analysis from the perspective of political theory. The dashboard allows eventual comparisons between democratic and non democratic regimes, useful for countries in the global south and western countries. The dashboard allows us to assess the key features that determine the governance model for artificial intelligence at the national level, for local governments and for other participant actors. The dashboard allows us to appraise aims of AI strategy and aims left aside in alternative strategies. The work shows the theoretical framework could be of use to advance case studies globally, and comparative endeavors. Applying the theoretical dashboard, the case study on China has been undertaken. These are the main points the study tackles in the final discussion, conclusion and further recommendations: 1) the complex reality of AI command and control 2) uncertainties about future society and the polity against AI development and 3) particular cultural values enshrined in countries' AI development.

The underlying assumption of the discourse about technology transfer is that government intervention is legitimate. Little scholarship has examined whether this assumption is valid or not and on what basis. Legitimacy is an important construct in the context of public policy. Government intervention can only be sustained if the public views such action as legitimate. The creation and transfer of technologies to the private sector is an area where there is significant government intervention. This paper reconceptualizes political legitimacy in the context of technology transfer policy. The analysis illuminates several concerns and challenges regarding the traditional approach to understanding whether specific government interventions in technology transfer are legitimate. It subsequently applies social constructionism and the notion of morality tales to describe an alternative conceptualization of political legitimacy that integrates aspects of other frameworks. In doing so, it reimagines political legitimacy as less of an unattainable normative principle of limited practical value to policymakers and more of a descriptively understood social phenomenon that policymakers can apply while formulating not only technology transfer policy, but other kinds of public policy as well. The paper demonstrates that there is a broader basis for claims of political legitimacy for government intervention in technology transfer, there is likely a more expansive range of technology transfer problems with which the government can rightly concern itself as well as possible solutions that policymakers can justifiably consider for addressing those problems, and that the political consequences of potential overreach in technology transfer policy are likely minimal.

The present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the impact of social networks on political socialization and political participation of political science students of the Islamic Azad University of Tehran, Tehran south branch during 2007-2017. This article is a descriptive-survey research based on the theory of planned behavior and has been done based on random sampling with a population of 280 samples. The findings indicate that 93% of students use social media and spend a significant part of their study hours on social networks, which mainly include Telegram, Instagram, Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp. The variables related to social networks affect the socialization and political participation of students, and the extent of the impact of social networks on encouraging individuals to participate in the election as a component of political socialization is positive and significant. This finding and other findings are a positive and significant impact of social networks on the attitudes, values ​​and norms, attitudes and behaviors of political science students as a sample population, and thus the hypothesis of this research has been confirmed.

The use of artificial intelligence for political decision-making is in an early stage of development; however, there are several questions that arise about its current and hypothetical uses. These questions often come from areas of philosophy such as ethics, political philosophy, and logic. In this article, first, the theoretical approaches from which the current and hypothetical uses of artificial intelligence for political decision-making can be interpreted will be presented. These approaches include realistic politics, bureaucracy theory, and conflict theory. Then, the possible uses that artificial intelligence could have in politics, as well as the attempts that have already been made, will be discussed. Subsequently, the logical, ethical, and political problems that the use of artificial intelligence for political decision-making could cause will be outlined. Next, a basic experiment will be presented on what kind of political decisions artificial intelligence could suggest. Finally, the points previously discussed will be analyzed from the mentioned theories. The conclusion reached was that, at the present time, the use of artificial intelligence for political decision-making could align more with the approaches of Machiavelli, focusing primarily on achieving goals such as maintaining power, while downplaying moral dilemmas.

Since the 1990s, the understanding of how and where politics is made has changed radically. Scholars such as Ulrich Beck and Maria Bakardjieva have discussed how political agency is enacted outside of conventional party organizations, and political struggles increasingly focus on single issues. Over the past two decades, this transformation of politics has become common knowledge, not only in academic research but also in the general political discourse. Recently, the proliferation of digital activism and the political use of social media is often understood to enforce these tendencies. This article analyzes the Pirate Party in relation to these theories, relying on almost 30 interviews with active Pirate Party members in Sweden, the UK, Germany, the USA, and Australia. The Pirate Party was initially formed in 2006, focusing on copyright, piracy, and digital privacy. Over the years, it has developed into a more general democracy movement, with an interest in a wider range of issues. This article analyses how the party’s initial focus on information politics and social media connects to a wider range of political issues and to other social movements, such as Arab Spring protests and Occupy Wall Street. Finally, it discusses how this challenges the understanding of information politics as a single issue agenda.

In the Post-Colonial period, the influence of media complexity in the transition to civilian rule and in shaping and consolidating democracy is self-evident in one hand and the post-colonial period the media have continued to watch and shout at misrule and governance in Nigeria. This paper examined how the Nigerian mass media mirrored the Nigerian political landscape using their major functions such as surveillance, correlation, cultural transmission, status conferral, enforcement of cultural norms and values, education, information and narcotizing dysfunctional role. This study was conducted as a longitudinal non-empirical study that relied on secondary data to examine how the mass media showcase political activities in Nigeria from the pre-colonial era through the independent era till date (2023). In this historical account, the researchers examined all media forms which include print, broadcast and new/social media such as Facebook, Whatsapp, Twitter, Telegram, and Instagram. The study showed that the mass media have played a critical role in shaping the political system in Nigeria. The findings which stemmed mainly from secondary data also showed that the Nigerian mass media have shown great interest in the Nigerian political system and as well exposed some unethical dealings in the political structure, raised consciousness, empowered the vulnerable, and acted as the mouthpiece of the oppressed on the one hand and on the other hand have played to the gallery. The researchers conclude that Nigerian mass media have effectively mirrored the Nigerian political system, particularly in the age of social media.

The relationship between religion and politics is a constant in the history of humanity. In the specific case of Western culture, it is possible to trace an archeology of the political as an effect of theological-political devices (essentially Christian-inspired). If we add to this the evolution of politics, in modern times, towards biopolitics, then the relationship focuses on very concrete topics. This is the case of the immunological process – from a personal, social, and philosophical perspective – thoroughly analyzed by Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito. In the context of his philosophical immunology, the place of religion is mainly archaeological and is interpreted critically. This article also aims to critically analyze his position, proposing a reading close to his thought but which is, at the same time, somewhat different.

In order to clarify some more concepts, we start by classifying some forms of populism and visualize them as precursors of totalitarianism. It goes without saying that media control or at least media domination (especially in this recent age of digitalization) becomes important within this context, because the Turing galaxy follows essentially the development of the Gutenberg galaxy, but at the same time, quite different from the latter, it multiplies, enhances, and accelerates anonymous data pressure that alters the quality of the ongoing discourse. This is what we would like to discuss here in more detail by also asking for a possibly anthropological principle that underlies these developments.

North American Whites tend to evaluate members of their own race more positively than members of other races. One exception may be White Liberals, who appear politically motivated to evaluate members of (disadvantaged) racial outgroups more positively than members of their own racial group. We confirmed this claim presently, where 75 White Liberals, 95 White Conservatives, 49 Black Liberals and 71 Black Conservatives evaluated biracial faces using explicit and implicit evaluation tests. We instrumentally ‘frustrated’ half our participants to note whether incidental anger influenced ideologically-motivated racial attitudes. Evaluations towards racial outgroups were largely unaffected by negative mood induction -White Liberals were pro-Black relative to White Conservatives, and Black Conservatives were pro-White relative to Black Liberals, independent of mood. Negative mood induction selectively influenced own-race evaluations. Black Liberals and White Conservatives became respectively more pro-Black and pro-White when frustrated.Conversely, Black Conservatives and White Liberals became respectively less pro-Black and pro-White. Frustration significantly amplified negative own-race attitudes across explicit and implicit evaluation measures for White Liberals. We speculate on some social consequences that may follow from frustration-amplified ‘anti-White’ bias across White Liberals.

The book of Job presents a unique and detailed contrastive study of two fundamental and fundamentally opposed religious personae: Job, on the one hand, and the collective image of his friends on the other. It is a normative dispute about the religion’s most basic norm of disposition. How is one to respond to inexplicable disaster when one believes one is blameless? What is the religiously appropriate response to catastrophe? To confront God’s judgment as did Job, or to submissively surrender to it, as his four friends insist he should? Is one supposed to question divine justice when deemed to be wanting, as did Job, or to suppress any thought to the contrary and deem it to be just, come what may? Rather than expound (once again) upon the theological implications of the Job dispute, this paper focuses on its theological-political dimensions, and its looming and vivid, yet largely overlooked presence in the Hebrew Bible’s master narrative; and more specifically, on the marked, if inevitable antinomian nature of the Jobian side to the divide.

This paper provides a synthesis of qualitative studies, examining youth empowerment projects and initiatives which have encouraged young people to have a voice in local, regional and national political debates. Specifically, the article examines the role of UK youth services in building the spirit of citizenship in young people against the challenging question of the changing behaviour pattern and profiles of young British electorates. To do this, the paper draws on four case studies to help rethink the critical moments for disadvantaged and vulnerable young people in their journeys towards citizenship. The article, presents the advantages and limitations of the youth sector to enrich and furnish the spirit of citizenship in today’s youth and argues for a more innovative role in the part played by the state in an era of austerity.

This research project examines the influence of propagandistic content on Facebook during the 2023 sectional elections in Imbabura, Ecuador. It draws attention to the strategic communication requirements that align with generational preferences and the distinctive characteristics of each digital platform. The objective is to elucidate the influence of such content on voting decisions and public perceptions of candidates. A case study approach was employed, integrating discourse analysis through Atlas.ti and the application of factor analysis to survey interpretation. The findings revealed that specific content, such as memes, exerts a notable influence on the younger electorate. This influence is reinforced by communication strategies that emphasise the frequency and repetition of this content, although no direct correlation with key demographic variables was found. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that a communication strategy devoid of value con-tent reduces social networks to mere information channels, akin to open television. In conclusion, the study emphasises the necessity for digital communication strategies that prioritise the crea-tion of valuable content for audiences, with the aim of fostering a more discerning and engaged electorate.

This article belongs in the emerging area of research seeking ways to depolarize societies in the short run (around events such elections) as well as in a sustainable fashion. We approach the depolarization process with a model of three homophilic groups (US Democrats, Republicans and Independents interacting in the context of upcoming federal elections). We expand a previous polarization model, which assumed that each individual interacts with all other individuals in its group with mean-field interactions. We add a depolarization field which is analogous to the Blume-Capel model’s crystal field. There are currently numerous depolarization efforts around the world, some of which act in ways similar to this depolarization field. We find that for low values of the depolarization field, the system continues to be polarized. When the depolarization field increases, the polarization decreases.

Although ChatGPT promises wide-ranging applications, there is a concern that it is politically biased; in particular, it has a left-libertarian orientation. Nevertheless, in light of recent trends in attempts to reduce such biases, this study re-evaluated the political biases of ChatGPT using political orientation tests and the application programming interface. Moreover, the effects of the languages used in the system as well as gender and race settings were evaluated. The results indicated that ChatGPT had less political bias than previously thought; however, they did not entirely discount the political bias. The languages used in the system and the gender and race settings may induce political biases. These findings enhance our understanding of the political biases of ChatGPT and may be useful for bias evaluation and designing ChatGPT’s operational strategy.

The insurance industry plays an important role for European economic stability and the threats and opportunities it faces should be carefully determined. In this paper we highlight the main challenges by using a PEST analysis. This work applies conventional actuarial thought on this area by focusing strictly on the European sector.

This study investigates the relationship between decentralized party organization and inclusive local participation in decision-making processes within Nigeria's two leading political parties: the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), from 2015–2023. The study employed a multi-stage sampling technique to select 400 respondents, including national and local party leaders, assembly members, and grassroots members from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. A total of 384 valid responses were retrieved, yielding a 96% response rate. Data was collected through questionnaires administered via Google Forms, and distributed through email and social media platforms, particularly WhatsApp. Regression and correlation analyses reveal a significant positive relationship between decentralized party structures and inclusive local participation (r = 0.820, p < 0.05), with decentralized frameworks explaining 67.2% of the variance in inclusive local participation (R² = 0.672). However, regional disparities in the implementation of decentralization present challenges to its uniform effectiveness. This study emphasizes the importance of standardizing decentralization policies to enhance local decision-making, promote inclusiveness, and strengthen party institutionalization. The findings offer valuable insights for party leaders, policymakers, and researchers on how decentralization can promote internal democracy and foster stability within political parties.

This study investigates the impact of decentralized organizational party structures on the membership stability of Nigeria's two leading political parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), between 2015 and 2023. Conducted from April to August 2024, the study focuses on how decentralized party frameworks influence membership retention, particularly in Nigeria's fragmented political landscape, where ethnic and regional divisions challenge political cohesion. A multi-stage sampling technique to select 400 respondents, including national and local party leaders, assembly members, and grassroots members from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. A total of 384 valid responses were retrieved, yielding a 96% response rate. Data collection was facilitated through questionnaires administered via Google Forms, which were distributed through email and social media platforms, with a particular focus on WhatsApp for ease of access and engagement. Regression and correlation analyses were used to assess the relationship between decentralization and membership stability. The findings reveal a strong positive correlation (r = 0.961) between decentralized structures and membership stability, with decentralization accounting for 92.4% of the variance in membership stability (R² = 0.924). This indicates that decentralization plays a crucial role in promoting party institutionalization, fostering greater engagement, loyalty, and retention among members. However, regional disparities in the effectiveness of decentralization present challenges to uniform implementation. These results underscore the importance of standardizing decentralization policies across various regions to ensure coherence and reduce membership volatility. The study recommends a harmonized framework that supports decentralized governance within political parties, enhancing internal democracy and reinforcing party unity. The research concludes by emphasizing the need for ongoing exploration into the nuances of decentralization to further support Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. This study offers valuable insights for party leaders, policymakers, and researchers interested in the institutionalization of political organizations in emerging democracies.

Land registry is one of the instruments most mentioned by public actors in land management in Benin to solve land problems faced by the country. Its implementation and functioning depend not only on technical actions but also on political will. Through a methodology based on participant observation, semi-structured interviews, focus group, as well as on the theory of "change in public action" by P. Muller (2005), legal and institutional changes have been observed in the implementation of the cadastral project. It is a project whose political component is readable through government action and the legal reforms carried out. At the technical level, the land data collected are processed by computer systems that can facilitate the mass production of land titles.

La minería es una industria intensiva en energía que requiere una fuente estable de electricidad. Con el aumento de la demanda de minerales y la disminución de las leyes, se espera que la demanda de energía aumente en un 36% para el 2035. Este aumento de la demanda depende del uso de combustibles fósiles ya que la electricidad producida y comprada en las empresas mineras se basan principalmente en el caso de los combustibles fósiles, los costos de los sistemas de almacenamiento de energía solar y eólica han caído a una escala sin precedentes, lo que alienta a las empresas mineras a probar estas tecnologías.Entre los factores que influyen en el uso de energía renovable, se encuentra el beneficio a la comunidad en la etapa de operación y cierre o post-cierre de un proyecto minero, el siguiente factor es el perfil de consumo eléctrico o demanda es importante para el cálculo de su almacenamiento o no, de las energías renovables a utilizar. Como tercer factor está el cálculo del consumo en los procesos. Los rangos de penetración determinarán si es posible su almacenamiento de energía, y si es posible utilizar control híbrido (solar - eólico), para ello es importante el uso de herramientas digitales como el programa Holmer, es una herramienta importante que técnica y económica.El gobierno debe tener una perspectiva que ayude en los temas regulatorios necesarios para impulsar proyectos de energía renovable con diferentes incentivos e intereses según el contexto minero.

This paper analyses the COVID-19 crisis and its management, under the Austrian Economics. The attention is focused in the States’ coercive intervention, to evaluate the positive or negative effects of pandemic, according to the Principles of Political Economy and the theory of capital and economic cycles. The paper examines the specific case of massive intervention by governments and, especially, central banks in monetary and financial markets to deal with the pandemic by seeking to lessen its effects. Also, it is offered a critical analysis on simultaneous government policies involving taxes and an increase in public spending which are presented as the panacea and universal remedy for the evils that afflict the society, instead of promoting the transit to Wellbeing Economics. To conclude the review, there is a proposal of paradigm review, in the way to offer a sustainable model.

We introduce an information theoretic framework for a quantitative measure of originality to model the impact of various classes of biases, errors and error corrections on scientific research. Some of the open problems are also outlined.

Given the opportunities offered by foreign investment in energy infrastructure mostly by Chinese firms, the Government of Cambodia is giving high priority to developing hydropower resources for reducing energy poverty and powering economic growth. Using a “Political ecology of the Asian drivers” framework, this paper assesses China’s involvement in the development of large dams’ in Cambodia and its impacts on the access of natural resources such as water and energy by dam builders, local communities and the government. This analysis is based on 61 interviews and 10 focus group discussions with affected communities, institutional actors, Chinese dam builders and financiers in relation to the first large Chinese dam built in Cambodia, the Kamchay dam. Based on the results of the analysis this paper makes recommendations on how to improve the planning, implementation and governance of large dams to ensure that the dams’ benefits are shared more equally.

Background: Shortly after the detection of the COVID virus in January 2020 the US Government introduced and enforced a series of restrictions to protect the elderly from a “deadly virus” and the “pandemic of the century”. Persons who disagreed were silenced and punished. Objective: In the 15^th month of COVID epidemic (April 2021), we have access to sufficient statistical data and methods to better understand the nature, origin of the COVID pandemic. It is now possible to reliably evaluate the effectiveness of the restrictions and the human factors / driving forces behind this drastic limitations of our natural freedom in this country. Methods: Publicly available epidemiological and population parameters were collected and analyzed using the ‘political score’ and ‘restriction ranking’ of 50 states and evaluated by simple and usual statistical methods, mainly correlation analyses. The Political Score of the States (D/R) is the ratio of the number of citizens who self-identified as democrats (D) or republicans (R). The political scores of the 50 states altogether defined a wide, continuous scale, the political scale, that could be used to measure (and statistically evaluate) the effect of politics of a state on the numerical parameters of that state, including population and epidemiologic parameters. The COVID Restriction Score of the States were created to rank the states from 1-50, there 1 is the lowest number of restrictions and 50 is the highest number of restrictions applied by the States. It was based on 13 different key metrics. ResultsThis study revealed, that 1) restrictions reduced the number of viral infections, but 2) they totally failed to reduce the number of supposedly COVID related deaths, expressed as mortality, 3) they increased (SIC!) the lethality of coronavirus. The grade of restrictions were/are strongly associated to the 4) left/right political ratio of the States, there States with more democrat citizens practiced more restrictions. It was found that race, religion and Medicare/healthcare spending have significant influence on politic as well as on the grade of restriction orders. Factors moving States toward the political left and harder COVID restrictions have 5) larger ‘non-white’ population, 6) larger number of ‘non-protestant’ believers, 7) larger Jewish population, and 8) more generous Medicare/healthcare spending. It was not possible to see any influence of the size of the 9) senior (65+) population [i.e. those who are allegedly the most vulnerable and are mostly in need of protective restrictions] neither on the States politic nor on the restrictions. Conclusions: The degree of restrictions enforced by different states ware not primarily determined by biological or epidemiological factors (like number of elderly, say 65+ in the state) but by social, political influences instead. Political (a), religious (b) ethnic (c) and economic (d) forces represented the decisive forces on the state’s restrictive orders and not the convincing evidence of the potentially harmful effects of the COVID infection and the well-founded adequacy of the defense against it.

Background: Short after the detection of the COVID virus in January 2020 the US Government introduced and enforced a series of restrictions to protect the elderly from a “deadly virus” and the “pandemic of the century”. Persons who disagreed were silenced and punished. Objective: In the 15^th month of COVID epidemic (April 2021), we have access to sufficient statistical data and methods to better understand the nature, origin of the COVID pandemic. It is now possible to reliably evaluate the effectiveness of the restrictions and the human factors / driving forces behind this drastic limitations of our natural freedom in this country. Methods: Publicly available epidemiological and population parameters were collected and analyzed using the ‘political score’ and ‘restriction ranking’ of 50 states and evaluated by simple and usual statistical methods, mainly correlation analyses. Results: This study revealed, that 1) restrictions reduced the number of viral infections, but 2) they totally failed to reduce the number of supposedly COVID related deaths, 3) they increased (SIC!) the mortality of coronavirus. The grade of restrictions were/are strongly associated to the 4) left/right political ratio of the States, there States with more democrat citizens practiced more restrictions. It was found that race, religion and Medicare spending have significant influence on politic as well as on the grade of restriction orders. Factors moving States toward the political left and harder COVID restrictions have 5) larger ‘non-white’ population, 6) larger number of ‘non-protestant’ believers, 7) larger Jewish population, and 8) more generous Medicare spending. It was not possible to see any influence of the size of the 9) senior (65+) population [i.e. those who are allegedly the most vulnerable and are mostly in need of protective restrictions] neither on the States politic nor on the restrictions Conclusions: The conclusion is that COVID restrictions are primarily politically motivated, they are ineffective to reduce COVID related mortality and they provide no extra health benefit for the so called “vulnerable” minority (elderly).

Highly realistic media created through Artificial Intelligence and Deep Learning, commonly known as deepfakes, presents a serious risk to political stability and the integrity of information. We are entering an era where images and videos, which were once considered reliable evidence, are now being altered to spread false information and incite unrest. This threat is especially heightened in developing nations, where misinformation and manipulation of public sentiment could lead to the collapse of the fragile democracies. This study delves deep into the increased vulnerability of these regions to deepfakes due to slower technological advancement and widespread lack of awareness. This study provides a detailed analysis and sets the stage for future investigations, proposing a combined approach to counteract the consequences of deepfakes. This includes combining technical methods for detection of deepfakes with public awareness campaigns and legal frameworks. Reducing the harmful effects of deepfakes requires cooperation among a diverse group of experts.

Introduction – Elections are a cornerstone of democratic societies, enabling citizens to express their preferences and shape the direction of their governments. Economic conditions, political dynamics, and social factors often play pivotal roles in influencing voter behavior and determining electoral outcomes, making elections a key area of study in understanding governance and policy change. Objectives – This study examines how key economic factors like inflation, unemployment, and poverty influence election results in Ghana. It also looks at how these economic elements shape voter choices and predicts the possible outcomes of the 2024 general elections using past data. Methodology – The study used historical economic and political data from 1992 to 2023, applying statistical models like ARIMA (Auto-Regressive Integrated Moving Average) to forecast future election outcomes. Economic indicators such as inflation and unemployment were included to study their relationship with voter behavior. Findings - The results show that economic factors significantly impact voter turnout and party vote share. High inflation and unemployment rates tend to reduce voter support for incumbent parties. The model also predicts possible outcomes for the 2024 election based on these economic trends. Conclusion and Recommendation – The study concludes that improving economic conditions, such as reducing unemployment, could positively influence electoral outcomes for incumbents. It is recommended that policymakers focus on stabilizing the economy to enhance electoral success.

This article underscores the immense potential for substantial economic growth and development that can be harnessed through effective participation in global value chains (GVCs). It emphasises the role of policymakers in adeptly navigating GVCs, prioritising tasks, exploring different forms of GVC governance, and fostering a conducive environment for foreign investments. By effectively managing power dynamics and supply chain risks, countries can attract valuable foreign investors, enhance market connectivity, and improve infrastructure and services, leading to significant economic growth. The potential benefits of GVC participation are vast, and policymakers can shape the situation by understanding and addressing strategic inquiries, laying the foundation for a prosperous future. Furthermore, the article explores the potential for a country to enhance its involvement in GVCs and progress to more lucrative activities by strengthening existing connections between GVCs and the local economy. By enhancing the capacity of local stakeholders to acquire knowledge, policymakers can play a crucial role in maximising the benefits from GVC spillovers, positively impacting a country's economic development.

The relationship between nations is largely seen as a peripheral issue in the recent history of political philosophy and in the majority of discussions of political philosophy issues today. The idea of a universal natural state were countries are seen as essentially self-sufficient, functional units, and have been proposed to represent the relative lack of moral standards guiding relationships between nations. At one extreme of the tradition, international thought has substituted raison d'état being the highest norm for any universal laws governing relations between states, a view embodied by Machiavelli, Rodin, and others and Hobbes , The lack of supranational political powers has led to the conclusion that, even in cases where the possibility of international moral relationships has been acknowledged, such as in post-Grotian publications on international law, these ties are significantly weaker than in-tranational social bonds. The justification and aversion to war—the primary mode of social in-teraction in the natural condition of the world—is the only issue in the field of global relations to have received substantial theoretical study. Even though this disregard was justified in the past, a number of recent events force us to re-consider the "recalcitrance of international affairs to being theorized about."2. The growing gap between both prosperous and impoverished nations; the emergence of centers of economic in-fluence beyond the reach of effective state regulation; the emergence of severe food and energy shortages brought on, at least in part, by national governments' pursuit of disorganized and uncontrolled growth policies; the growing sensitivity of domestic Countries to the outside eco-nomic, political, and cultural events are some of these developments , requests from third-world nations for greater equal access to international politics and economy. To put it in terms more familiar to conversations about this topic, the rise of "low politics" in negotiation and "welfare questions" within global forums corresponds with the growing influence of transnational con-nections and international agreements on human well-being. Not because "high politics"—that is, the threat and prevention of war—has lost significance; rather, it is just one issue among many for which international cooperation is now required in order to find answers.

A nation's social, economic, and political emancipation is ineluctably connected with functional education systems in which people learn to create new institutions, utilise new technologies, cope with vagaries and difficulties in their environment, and positively alter their behavioural patterns. Education in a broad sense improves the capabilities of individuals and the capacity of institutions and becomes a catalyst for the closely interrelated economic, social, cultural, and political changes that are parts of the hallmarks of national development. Nevertheless, a teacher stands out as a crucial figure within any educational institution, wielding significant influence in effecting these changes and transformations. Teacher education is broad. It is based on the praxis that teachers are made in contrary to the assumption that teachers are born. Since teaching is considered an art and a science, the teacher has to acquire not only knowledge but also requisite skills needed in carrying out his or her inestimable duties or services. The efficiency and effectiveness of every educational system hinge significantly on the educational achievements of teachers. After all, no education can surpass the quality of its educators. Thus, every nation places demands and expectations on the teacher, which need to be addressed by both initial and continuing teacher education. On this note, this paper examines teacher education with respect to its praxis and professionalism, examines the nexus between teacher education and socioeconomic as well as political emancipation, analyses the challenges of teacher education in Nigeria, and in the final analysis, gives recommendations based on the identified challenges.

The main objective of this paper is to develop a readiness index model that can serve as an analytical tool for exploring the achievements of electrification of transportation systems. We have applied this readiness index model to evaluate the readiness positioning of China, Norway, and Sweden to-wards transport electrification. We have chosen these three countries as they represent diversity among countries that are in the process of adopting electric transport system solutions. Our developed readiness index model has four key dimensions, technological readiness, political readiness, societal readiness, and economic readiness. The embeddedness of all four dimensions in one model provides a multi-perspective way of analyzing and evaluating the readiness levels of countries moving towards transforming the transportation system. Therefore, we named the model a “multidimensional readiness index.” Our main conclusions are that the political processes and political decisiveness involved are the most important factors followed by the societal needs and economic ability, with the current technology available as the fourth. Without the participation of dedicated and determined political decision-makers being involved, the other three factors are challenging to obtain. Political decision-makers need to facilitate the use of economic means to support the transformation in the society and affected industries to balance the initial economic disadvantages of the electrically powered systems until they pass the cost disadvantage turning point. The development of the relevant technology is no longer a great barrier as it was at the beginning of this transformation, about 20 years ago. The technology for electrically powered transportation systems and devices is widely available now, although it is continuously evolving and being improved. Associated industries cannot be expected to initiate, finance, take the risk, and take the lead in this global societal transformation without clear and strong political support.

Daniel Yergin’s “The New Map: Energy, Climate, and the Clash of Nations” is a remarkable and groundbreaking work that addresses the ever-changing global energy landscape and its profound geopolitical implications. In this modest book review, we aim to offer a fresh perspective by re-examining the core issues from the standpoint of political geography. The aim of this article is twofold: to enrich the existing literature on political geography and to provide valuable insights to students of geography to broaden their knowledge in this field.

Background and objectives: In the current context, the 2021 presidential elections in Peru distance from the social objective, not being objectively represented, that is why we analyze their validity, we determine the distances between the parties if they are extreme, the correspondences with the departments and their prospects, in the surveys we propose which departments influence the results. Methods: We use a mixed methodology, qualitative analysis, it will be multidimensional with the support of statistical methods and programs such as R Studio, worddj, Gephi, and Iramuteq. The quantitative analysis will be through factor analysis, correspondence and discriminant analysis to the data of the election Results and conclusions: The textual analysis mentions that there are dimensions such as the social issue, the results of the surveys and democracy that are far apart, regarding the electoral issue. This inculcates to work both on the part of the organisms that carry out these processes, as well as the initiative of the candidates, and the media. Regarding the quantitative analysis, it is detailed that the representative parties must be greater than 4.0 million voters, to make representative parties at the national level. The classification regarding the percentage of votes is given in three groups, highlighting the independence of the Peru Libre political party in these . In the correspondence analysis we can detail that both Fuerza Popular and Peru Libre are extremist parties. The vast majority of Peruvian citizens have an ideological tendency, intermediate between both parties. The prospective projections with a cross section give a victory to the Peru Libre party. In the discriminant analysis, the sample for the surveys focuses on 7 departments that does not include the Peruvian capital.

In this paper, we investigate the role of sanctions in the relationship between macroeconomic determinants and foreign direct investment inflows. We also investigate the moderating role of sanctions in FDI inflows into Iran. The empirical results reveal that macro determinants such as infrastructure, exchange rate, inflation rate, investment return, and governance have a long-run impact on FDI inflows in Iran. Our findings also show that GDP growth rate and trade openness have no significant effect on FDI. Our results indicate that sanctions do not have a significant moderating role in the relationship between macroeconomic factors and foreign direct investment. Surprisingly, international sanctions have a positive relationship with FDI inflows in Iran. Furthermore, sanction has a positive impact on the inflation rate and exchange rate in Iran. Finally, our findings show that sanctions have had a significant impact on Iran's economic growth in recent years due to increasing the severity level of sanctions.

This paper analyses the design and implementation of REDD+ in the West African region, an important global biodiversity area. Drawing on in-depth interviews, analysis of policy documents and observation of everyday activities, we sought to understand how REDD+ has been designed and implemented in Nigeria and Ghana. We draw on tools from political ecology to examine how, and why REDD+ takes the form it does in these countries. We focus on three key dimensions that emerged as strong areas of common emphasis in our case studies -- capacity building, carbon visibility, and property rights. First, we show that, while REDD+ design generally foregrounds an ostensible inclusionary politics, its implementation is driven through various forms of exclusion. This contradictory inclusion-exclusion politics, which is partly emblematic of the neoliberal provenance of the REDD+ policy, is also a contingent reality and a strategy for navigating complexities and pursuing certain interests. Second, we show that though the emergent foci of REDD+ implementation in our case studies align with global REDD+ expectations, they yet manifest as historically and geographically contingent processes that reflect negotiated and contested relations among actors that constitute the specific national circumstance of each country. We conclude by reflecting on the wider implications of these findings for understanding REDD+ implementation more broadly.

The modern Historicism is plagued by its non-scientific appropriation – rightfully so, if we consider the genocidal proclivities that have defined the post-modern era to act on a perceived justification for the historical process, then the philosophy is little more than a falsely asserted and criminal interpretation made by taxonomists and romanticists. Yet, it should be noted that the study retains significant value in the discussion of Epochs, but its pertinence is represented in degrees of unknowable ideas and uncertainties. This article introduces two new, pragmatic constituent studies of Historicism such that it is reformed in the context of indeterminacy and an expected, non-processional characterization becomes forefront to the study.

Cities are small on earth’s surface but they are the most attractive places for people to live and work; cities are developing quickly, thus it’s important to keep it a better quality place to live as it has the major of the economic activities and more job opportunities and other social and economic advantages to be a more green and sustainable place. Seeking to achieve sustainable use of ecosystems and conserve natural resources in the city of Prague; integrating ecological sustainability goals, the political borders as a reflection of urban development in the city, and ecosystems edges in blue and green functions impact the city development, and present opportunities to create strategies for green and blue infrastructure and clarifying threats could slow down the process to achieve the sustainability and greenery application. Also checking possible urban areas for development like brownfields and clarifying their relationship with political borders and ecosystems to find possible areas to add for sustainable green use, which will create better places for people to live and raise the value of life as well.

From the perspective of individual resource and social capital, this paper aims to explain how employees’ political skill affect their job satisfaction and turnover intention, through the mediating role of popularity. Using a sample of 237 dyad surveys from supervisors and employees in the Yangtze River Delta of China, we found that: 1) political skill is positively correlated with job satisfaction and negatively correlated with turnover intention, and that these correlations are partially mediated by individual popularity; 2) positive affect (PA) moderates the relationship between political skill and job satisfaction, and negative affect (NA) moderates the relationship between political skill and turnover intention. The implications of our findings and future research directions are discussed.

Background: Disparity in adult mortality (AM) with reference to social dynamics and health care has not been sufficiently examined. This study aimed to identify the gap in the understanding of AM in relation to religion, political stability, economic level, and universal health coverage (UHC). Methods: A cross-national study was performed with different sources of data, using the administrative record linkage theory. We created a new data set using data from the 2013 World Bank data catalogue by region, The Economist (Political instability index 2013), Stuckler David et al. (Universal health coverage, 2010), and religious categories of all UN country members. Descriptive statistics, a t-test, an ANOVA followed by a post hoc test, and a linear regression were used where applicable. Result: The average AM rate for males and females was 0.20 ± 0.10 and 0.14 ± 0.10, respectively. AM was significantly higher in economically weak countries, countries with political instability, countries with traditional religion, without achievement of UHC, and Sub-Saharan Africa (p<0.01). There was high disparity of AM between countries with and without UHC (F = male: 61.89, female: 51.85, p<0.001) and between groups with low and high income (F = male: 36.33, female: 42.39, p<0.001). UHC and political stability would significantly reduce AMR by > 0.41 in both sexes and high economic status would reduce male AMR by 0.44, and female AMR by 0.70, in relation to countries without UHC, with political instability, and low economic status. Conclusions: Disparities in AM can be reduced after the achievement of UHC and economically productive activities for those adults affected by conflict and political unrest.

This paper discusses the metonymic uses of the greek deictic adverbs εδώ [here] and εκεί [there] in the language of politics. The paper draws examples from political speeches which taken place in the Hellenic Parliament during 2011 and discussed the financial situation of Greece during that time. The paper discusses the multiple senses of these deictic adverbs and suggests that the temporal and spatial denotations of εδώ and εκεί are subject to image schemas. It is argued that the image schemas in which εδώ and εκεί are rooted have a metonymic basis. The paper also suggests that the spatio-temporal senses of εδώ and εκεί go beyond their deictic function due to their metonymic basis.

The creation of the National Muslims Women’s Advisory Group (NMWAG) in 2008 by Britain’s New Labour Government was part of a strategy which sought to engage different levels of Muslim communities beneath an overarching focus on reducing ‘Islamic extremism’. To do so however, Government acknowledged that it would need to support Muslim women to overcome some of the constraints it believed were placed on Muslim women in contemporary Britain. Deeming theology and religious interpretation to be one of those constraints, Government saw the need to empower Muslim women to ‘influence and challenge’ religious and theological discourses as a priority. This article therefore offers a case study on a project that was commissioned by Government that sought to empower Muslim women to ‘influence and challenge’ theological interpretations in collaboration with the NMWAG. Having gained unprecedented access to the NMWAG, its activities and engagement with Government, this article presents previously unpublished findings from that project to focus on two key themes: Muslim women, their identity and position; and theology, leadership and the participation of women. Having explored these in detail, this article concludes by critically reflecting on the way in which Government engaged and interacted with Muslim women, the role and relative success of the NMWAG and, most importantly, the extent to which the NMWAG was able to ‘influence and challenge’ interpretations of Islamic theology.

Given the widespread use of AI language models such as ChatGPT, there is an urgent need 1 to understand their political biases in different languages. This study aims to uncover such biases. To 2 investigate this issue, we applied IDRLabs’ Political Coordinates Test to ChatGPT based on GPT-4 3 in four languages - English, French, German, and Italian. The results confirm previous studies that 4 identified a left-libertarian bias in ChatGPT. There was remarkable consistency in political orientation 5 across all four languages, although minor variations were found. Differences in ChatGPT response 6 distributions across languages could indicate culturally determined differences in interpretation 7 of political questions. The results highlight the need to diversify and optimize data collection and 8 model training methods to ensure greater fairness and neutrality and minimize the influence of bias. 9 Our study highlights the importance of cultural differences in the processing and interpretation of 10 political information by AI models.

This paper reviews the management of the COVID-19 crisis and the difficulty of cost estimation model, comparing centralized management or bureaucratic government coaction and the agile market alternative or spontaneous social coordination. This is a study of Political Economy and Health Economics from the perspective of Austrian Economics. We describe and compare the al-ternative models, which are adapted to the current crisis. The analysis is based on the theorem of the impossibility of the economic calculation under coactive systems, and other principles of economy. In this context we pay also attention to collateral problems of the centralized and coac-tive management. Finally we propose a solution based on dynamic efficiency and the constitutions of wellbeing economics

Section 25(2) of the Constitution of South Africa protects property rights and the White Paper on Land Reform demonstrate tolerance and wisdom in the application of land reform policies. The central argument to this research was whether amendment of Section 25 (2) of the constitution to allow expropriation of land without compensation redresses redistribution of land for social cohesion and political stability. The researcher argues that, currently, Section 25 of the constitution provides for expropriation without compensation but at the same time protects property rights reducing the pace of redistribution. Hence, an amendment of section 25 (2) may remove the property right clause and accelerate expropriation without compensation. But whether the removal of the property right clause and acceleration of the process of expropriation without compensation will result to equitable and fair distribution of land to the majority of landless South Africans is not certain. The study concludes that, amendment of Section 25(2) is a justifiable process and priorities must be given to equity in redistribution to the majority landless at the margins of communities and not elites. If the amendment of Section 25 (2) cannot guarantee equity in redistribution for all ill respective of race, social cohesion, political stability and economic growth, intra-racial tensions may emerge. Such tensions may further compound the land question and affects investors’ confidence in South Africa.

Polarization in online social networks has gathered a significant amount of attention in the research community and in the public sphere due to stark disagreements with millions of participants in topics surrounding politics, climate, the economy and other areas where an agreement is required. There are multiple approaches to investigating the scenarios in which polarization occurs and given that polarization is not a new phenomenon but that its virality may be supported by the low cost and latency messaging offered by online social media platforms; an investigation into the intrinsic dynamics of online opinion evolution is presented for complete networks. Extending a model which utilizes the Binary Voter Model (BVM) to examine the effect of the degree of freedom for selecting contacts based upon homophily, simulations show that different opinions are reinforced for a period of time when users have a greater range of choice for association. The facility of discussion threads and groups formed upon common views further delays the rate in which a consensus can form between all members of the network. This can temporarily incubate members from interacting with those who can present an alternative opinion where a voter model would then proceed to produce a homogeneous opinion based upon pairwise interactions.

This research paper examines the role of the Muslim World League (MWL) as a soft power tool in serving Muslims globally. The study delves into the activities, strategies, and influences of the MWL, particularly in the past decade, from 2014 to 2024. Given the evolving dynamics of global geopolitics, the MWL's initiatives in fostering religious diplomacy, cultural exchange, and humanitarian efforts are critically analyzed. The Secretary General, Dr. Mohammad bin Abdulkarim Al-Issa, plays a pivotal role in shaping and advancing the organization's objectives internationally. Using a blend of descriptive and analytical methodologies, this paper investigates how the MWL leverages soft power to address issues faced by the Muslim community worldwide. The research also uncovers the interconnected factors influencing the effectiveness of the MWL's programs and policies. Through a comprehensive review of literature, examination of previous studies, and an analysis of the theoretical frameworks, this study identifies gaps and offers insights for future research. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the MWL's impact on global Muslim populations and the broader implications for international relations and soft power theory.

Artificial intelligence (AI) driven language models have seen a rapid rise in development, deployment, and adoption over the last few years. This surge has sparked many discussions about their societal and political impact, including political bias. Bias is a crucial topic in the context of large models due to its far-reaching consequences on technology, politics, and society. It significantly influences public perception, decision-making, political discourse, and AI policy governance and ethics. This study investigates political bias through a comparative analysis of four prominent AI models: ChatGPT-4, Perplexity, Google Gemini, and Claude.Through a comprehensive analysis by systematically and categorically evaluating their responses to politically and ideologically charged tests and prompts, utilizing the Pew Research Center’s Political Typology Quiz, the Political Compass assessment, and ISideWith political party quiz, this study identifies significant ideological leanings and the nature of political bias within these models. The findings revealed that ChatGPT-4 and Claude exhibit a liberal bias, Perplexity is more conservative, while Google Gemini adopts more centrist stances. The presence of such biases underscores the critical need for transparency in AI development and the incorporation of diverse training datasets, regular audits, and user education to mitigate these biases. This analysis also advocates for more robust practices and comprehensive frameworks to assess and reduce political bias in AI, ensuring these technologies contribute positively to society and support informed, balanced, and inclusive public discourse, which will point towards neutrality.The results of this study add to the ongoing discourse about the ethical implications and development of AI models, highlighting the critical need to build trust and integrity in AI models. Additionally, future research directions have been outlined to explore and address the complex issue of bias in AI.

Although numerous organizational researchers have acknowledged that COVID-19 shocks reduced the tourism industry’s financial performance, relevant literature remains scarce. Do tourism firms reduce corporate social responsibility (CSR) investments to decrease costs? The answer is unclear. This study fills the gap between stakeholder and cost stickiness theories. Based on a quasi-natural experiment of listed Chinese tourism companies from 2017 to 2021, the study finds that the COVID-19 shock caused tourism firms to increase strategic and decrease responsive CSR. In addition, tourism firms that adopted cost leadership strategies trimmed responsive CSR more than strategic CSR. Tourism firms with differentiated leadership strategies increased strategic and decreased responsive CSR. Tourism firms with higher levels of political connections increased responsive CSR, while tourism firms with higher organizational resilience increased strategic CSR. At the theoretical level, this study reveals the theoretical mechanism of the COVID-19 epidemic’s shock on tourism firms' adjustment of CSR from the perspective of cost stickiness. On a practical level, it helps inform tourism firms’ decision-making regarding CSR adjustments for sustainable development when they face widespread crisis scenarios.

Efforts to enhance carbon storage in forest ecosystems through policy and management decisions rely on accurate forest biomass assessments. However, most forest inventories consider tree mortality the only form of aboveground biomass loss, overlooking other important factors, such as wood decay in living trees. In this study, using linear mixed-effects models, we delve into the sustainability of mature and over-mature deciduous forests in Latvia by conducting a comprehensive analysis of stem rot severity, identifying species for which the impact of stem rot on their carbon stock reduction was most significant. The analysis focused on determining the proportion of discolored wood, decomposed wood, and hollow spaces within the stems of 190 living deciduous trees commonly found in hemiboreal forests. The study reveals a greater extent of stem rot and more extensive decay in Populus tremula trees than in Betula spp., Alnus glutinosa, and Alnus incana. It emphasizes the influence of tree species, age, and diameter at breast height on stem rot proportions. The stump rot area significantly predicts the amount of decomposed and discolored wood within the stem. The study provides valuable insights for sustainable forestry practices and highlights challenges in estimating stem rot severity, emphasizing the need for comprehensive diagnostic methods.

This paper aims to stress the nexus between sustainable development, economic freedom and local participatory democracy in 21 European smart cities. The development of smart cities is strongly correlated with technological advancements and improved access to pub-lic services for all residents. Furthermore, smart cities are characterized by efficient man-agement of social, economic and environmental resources and a strong partnership be-tween the public and private sectors. The paper aims to map the dynamics of local partic-ipatory democracy in European smart cities and to identify several relevant predictors of local participatory democracy. The sample is represented by 21 European capitals (20 EU countries plus UK), which are included in the Smart City Index (SCI). Using the quantita-tive design based on both statistical regressions and structural equations modelling (SEM), the paper shows positive statistical correlation between economic factors, sustainable de-velopment, political culture, education and the level of local participatory democracy. Be-sides the exogenous variables, the study emphasized the main priority areas, which might be seen as urgent issues for local governments. The conclusion of the paper underlines the fact that economic freedom, sustainable development, upper secondary education, afford-able housing and an increased level of citizens’ engagement could predict further evolu-tions of the local participatory democracy in 21 European capitals.

Background: The COVID infection became the source of serious disagreements between scientists, doctors, politicians and private citizens, directly after it’s detection in the population in January 2020. The pandemic had some very unusual properties as well as the people’s reaction to it. It was feared, that the virus might be used, intentionally or accidentally, to interfere with the usual, democratic way of the upcoming election. Objective: Re-search the original COVID statistic and metadata to obtain better understanding of the pandemic including the biological (viral) as well as the social (human) aspects of it. Provide a professional, independent, non-biased view of the pandemic, that is not polluted by political and media suggestions. Methods: Publicly available data – covering the first 5 months of the COVID pandemic, 2020 Jan-May - were collected and analyzed with the usual, common statistical methods, like student’s t-test and regression analyses.The political attitude of the states were characterized by a ratio (D/R) of the number of left, democrat (D) and right, republican (R) oriented citizens in the respective states, as determined by opinion research. Results: De novo statistical analyzes of publicly available data (covering the initial five months of the pandemic) suggests that the negative medical consequences of COVID pandemic were significantly more expressed in “democrat-dominated” (D) states than in “republican-dominated”, (R) states. The proportion of COVID test positive persons was higher in D-states (6.831 +/- 1605, n=14 and 1,165 +/- 323, n=13 respectively, p<0.001). The difference in mortality was even more striking, 8-times more person/million population died in COVID related conditions in solid D states than in solid R states (438 +/- 128, and 59 +/- 13; p<0.001, respectively). The COVID associated mortality increased two fold from right to left on the political scale of the states (2.7% +/- 0.3 vs. 5.3% +/- 0.5, p<0.001). The correlation between COVID deaths (mortality) and the age/pre-existing medical condition(s) of the diseased is very strong (R2= 0.98) and the overwhelming majority of COVID “victims” are persons who were close to death even independently of the epidemic. Conclusions: Alarming signals regarding the dangerousness of COVID infection seems to have originated in a few states with predominantly left oriented citizens (high D/R ratio). The COVID mortality statistic seems to be seen and analyzed with little or no respect for the context of mortality caused by other well-known diseases or even by the natural, age related deaths. We conclude that it is absolutely necessary to pay serious attention to the correct analyses and interpretation of the epidemic data to avoid being misled or manipulated by false circumstances.

This is a paper on Political Economic and Economic Policies into the European Green Deal framework and the Spanish recovery plan, with special attention to the tourism sector. First, there is a literature review, combining the scientific production with professional and institutional literature, to understand the topic development, from the former restrictive point to the current view at large. Second, it is offered a case study about the green jobs opportunity, according to wellbeing economics, for the Spanish tourism sector renewal. The paper provides valuable information to improve sectorial recovery plan, to coordinate the policymakers and the business managers and entrepreneurs.

The main objective of this paper is to assess pro-environmental behavior, climate change perception, anxiety, hope and despair in different political orientations. Specific aims included to validate all the instruments; to assess whether the factor structure of the scales were valid across political orientations; to evaluate their reliability; to assess differences concerning age, gender and political orientation; to know the variables that explain pro-environment behavior; and to evaluate the moderating role of climate change perception, despair and hope in the relationship between climate change anxiety and pro-environmental behavior. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFAs), multi-group CFAs (to measurement invariance), multiple linear regressions and moderations were performed. Results showed that pro-environment behavior and climate change hope achieved the four levels of invariance across different political orientations; climate change anxiety achieved the three first levels of invariance; climate change perception and climate change despair achieved configural invariance. Climate change anxiety personal experience, climate change perception total, reality and consequences present higher values in left political orientation that in right or center. Climate change anxiety variables contribute most to explaining pro-environmental behaviors. Hope, despair and climate change perception consequences moderate de relationship between climate change anxiety and pro-environment behavior. These results open up new avenues of investigation, namely, to understand why high levels of anxiety lead to more pro-environment al behaviors.

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly reshaped global power dynamics, impacting economies, political landscapes, international relations, and technological advancements. Historically, pandemics have acted as catalysts for social and economic transformations, and COVID-19 has followed this pattern by intensifying existing trends and creating new opportunities for power shifts. Economically, the pandemic led to unprecedented disruptions, with East Asian countries demonstrating greater resilience and adaptability compared to Western economies. This has resulted in notable economic power shifts, particularly benefiting China, which experienced a swift recovery. Politically, the pandemic exacerbated geopolitical tensions, notably between the United States and China, while also fostering new forms of international cooperation, such as vaccine diplomacy and multilateral health initiatives. Technologically, the pandemic accelerated digital transformation and innovation in biotechnology, with significant advancements in healthcare systems. Socially, it exposed and exacerbated inequalities, prompting discussions on social justice and healthcare reforms. Environmentally, short-term improvements were observed, but the need for sustainable development and green recovery strategies became evident. This article examines these shifts, highlighting the interconnectedness of global challenges and the necessity for coordinated, multilateral responses to build a more equitable and sustainable future.

International basins are divided into sub-basins that are managed at the national and local levels, within the territory of each country, before reaching the level of international concern. The management of international basins could be developed using an integrated water management, based on multi-level governance model in which many actors are involved, from local to international scale. However, in the La Plata River Basin this model is not working, even with international agreements such as the La Plata Basin Treaty, which was signed in 1969. The understanding of political interests behind the law helps to explain its inefficiency. Therefore, considering the lack of a systemic view in an international watershed, it could be possible to have accumulating effects caused by the transformations of watercourses in the sub-basins. Then, the 2014 water crisis in the State of São Paulo, Brazil, is an example of the possible consequences arising from the lack of an integrated water management in the La Plata River Basin. Finally, this article demonstrates that the only way to have water resources utilization efficiency in an international basin is considering it as an integrated ecosystem, in order that any local problem may affect the whole basin.

In the construction business, which is known for its intricate and strategic nature, it is crucial to have efficient risk management in place. This is because various internal and external elements can cause disruptions to projects. Although the industry has had a historically negative reputation for risk analysis, the methodical process of identifying, analyzing, and managing risks has been more widely recognized and respected. This paper examines the historical progression of construction risk management, highlighting the need to identify and classify risks promptly. The study examines various risk factors related to finance, law, environment, and logistics. The study explores various risk management strategies, such as contract management, risk distribution, evaluation, mitigation, and sharing. The article discusses the significant impact of risk management software, such as Procore, PlanGrid, e-Builder, Autodesk BIM 360, and Oracle Primavera, on improving project results. The study finishes by highlighting the importance of proactive risk management in protecting against financial losses and maintaining a reputation in the construction business.

This is a study of Political Economy on religion and migration management in the United States of America (USA). This paper offers a review of migrants-citizens relations in the USA, with attention to the pendulum effect, moving from integration policies (open doors and melting pot agenda) to official persecution (raids and deportations), with a high social opportunity cost. There has been a split between the State and civil society, causing civil disobedience and sanctuary network across the country. Also, it is paid attention to the American post-modern paradox, as a result of culture wars and identity politics that imply a violation of American constitutional principles (i.e. religious liberty, freedom of movement, to pursuit the happiness). Special attention is paid to the development of the Sanctuary Movement, as an ongoing example of the sociocultural upheaval bringing grassroots society into confrontation with powerful elites by promoting resistance and offering help to the needy, even if this results in sanctions. This movement was revitalized after the values crisis of 2008, but it has also been polarized between those who follow the traditional approach to socio-religious action in the form of peaceful civil disobedience, and those who follow the ideological anti-system and communitarian approach, which causes greater tension for the immigrants themselves

Regional organisations (ROs) are important in that they can enable states in their regions to pros-per and develop for improvement. Interest here lies in the European Union (EU) and the Associa-tion of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Their political development involves complex process-es for collective actions involving ingroup member RO states. To explore development, we firstly examine the rise of both the EU and ASEAN. The literature gives some attention to the behaviour-alist political approach to explain developmental differences using social organisation theory, often in terms of the Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft paradigm of Tönnies. However, here we adopt a social psychology approach that distinguishes between operative structure (which directly determines behaviour), and substructure (housing normative personality deemed to be responsible for behav-ioural imperatives). This enables a relationship to be made between the Tönnies paradigm and the Collectivism-Individualism paradigm of Triandis. The theoretical approach adopted involves a complex adaptive systems model deriving from metacybernetics, and this also delivers Mindset Agency Theory as a qualitative methodology. Consistent with the general view, it is shown that the EU is more or less a coherent rational organisation, while ASEAN is more idealistic delivering pragmatic paradox. In particular, ASEAN is frequently descried as an organisation with contra-dictions, and for this reason its pathologies are explored in some detail

In this paper, we discuss major issues of mathematics teaching and learning in Nepal. The issues coming from theories such as social and radical constructivism suggest that teachers are not trained to use such approach in teaching mathematics, and there is a lack of teaching aids and materials and technological tools. The issues related to social aspects are gender issues, language issues, social justice issues, and issues related to the achievement gap. The cultural issues are related to the diversity of language and ethnicity. The issues related to political aspects are equity and access, economic status, pedagogical choice, and professional organizations and unions. The issues related to technology include the technological skills, use of technology, and affordance. Finally, we suggest that all the stakeholders should pay attention to resolving these issues by improving the curriculum, training teachers, resourcing the classroom with locally made and new technological tools.

Background: The Covid-19 pandemic was in reality a syndemic there the balance between a multitude of biological (Nature-made) and socio-political (men-made) factors determined individually the outcome of every single infection, on a scale of nothing-to-fatal. Blaming the virus for everything bad that happened to us after January 2020 is incorrect. Now, in ~ 2 years distance from the syndemic, it may be timely and possible to uncover the human contribution to this historical event and learn of it. Objective: To identify and use some qualitative approach to estimate the objective, statistical / epidemiological ‘value’ of the virus-selected individuals (in age-normalized groups) for the rest of the society. This non-political, non-religious approach may be the only way to understand the benefit / cost ratio of actions and emergency orders we had to survive in addition to the virus itself. Methods: Statistical data were obtained from publicly available official databases, including the relevant actuarial tables and evaluated by widely used statistical methods. The estimation of statistical/epidemiological ‘value of life’ was based, strictly and exclusively, on the real age and the statistically calculated Residual Life Expectancy (RLE, i.e. remaining years alive at a given age). The American healthcare expenses were compared to the corresponding healthcare costs/capita in other similarly well-developed west-European countries. This was the only available method to get some ideas about the magnitude of the well-established (rational) healthcare spending and compare it to the American standards. Results 1) Life expectancy uninterruptedly increased in USA since 1933, due to continuous reduction of Mortality Rate of the youngest and oldest citizens. COVID didn’t stop the population growth (+8.2 M /2020-2023). 2) The total count of Excess COVID associated Deaths (XCD) is ~ 2-times as much as the official statistic was able to explain by virus infection. It is speculated that these Complementary Covid Deaths (CCD) are probably the unexpected side-effects of the pandemic related emergency orders. 3) The worldwide ‘longevity’ trend exponentially increased the healthcare expenses, especially the care of elderly. However the USA is unique in this aspect and the healthcare costs are irrationally much higher than in any other country. 4) We can see a large economic incentive in the development of excesses under COVID syndemic. Conclusions The harm of the COVID virus - as well as the benefits of the mandatory, emergency actions during the pandemic - were grossly over-estimated. Professional, unbiased (non-religious, non-political) and independent reviews are strongly recommended.

In this article, we estimate the value of Government Expenditure on Education-GEE in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG dataset of the World Bank. We use data from 193 countries in the period 2011-2020. We use Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Panel Data with Random Effects, Pooled Ordinary Least Squares-OLS, and Weighted Least Squares-WLS. Our results show that the value of GEE is positively associated among others to “Case of Death, by communicable disease and maternal, prenatal and nutrition conditions”, and “Unemployment”, and negatively associated among others to “Hospital Beds” and “Government Effectiveness”. Furthermore, we apply the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method and we find the presence of four clusters. Finally, we confront eight machine learning algorithms for the prediction of the future value of GEE. We found that the Polynomial Regression is the best predictive algorithm. The Polynomial Regression predicts an increase in GEE of 7.09% on average for the analysed countries.

In this article, we estimate the role of Political Stability and Absence of Violence and Terrorism-PS in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG data at world level. We analyse data from 193 countries in the period 2011-2020. We apply Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Panel Data with Random Effects and Pooled Ordinary Least Square-OLS. We found that PS is positively associated, among others, to Population Density and Government Effectiveness, and negatively associated, among others, to Research and Development Expenditure and Maximum 5-day Rainfall. Furthermore, we apply the k-Means algorithm optimized with the application of the Elbow Method and we find the presence of four clusters. Finally, we propose a confrontation among eight different machine-learning algorithms for the prediction of PS and we find that the Polynomial Regression shows the higher performance. The Polynomial Regression predicts an increase in the level of PS of 0.25% on average for the analysed countries.

In this article, I estimate the value of “Individual Using Internet”-IUI in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG database of the World Bank. I use data from 193 countries for the period 2011-2020. I found that among others the value of IUI is positively associated to “Methane Emissions” and “People Using Safely Managed Sanitation Services” and negatively associated among others to “Fossil Fuel Energy Consumption” and “Renewable Energy Consumption”. I apply the k-Means algorithm for the clusterization optimized with the Elbow Method and we find the presence of three clusters. Finally, I confront eight machine-learning algorithms to predict the future value of IUI. I found that the best predictive algorithm is Linear Regression and that the value of IUI is expected to decrease on average of 0.30% for the analysed countries.

We analyze the question of GDP Growth-GDPG rate in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG framework. We use World Bank data for 193 countries in the period 2011-2020 using different econometric techniques i.e., Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Panel Data with Random Effects, Pooled Ordinary Least Squares-OLS. We found that GDPG rate is positively associated, among others, to “Government Effectiveness” and “Prevalence of Undernourishment” and negatively associated among others to “Unemployment” and “Research and Development Expenditure”. Furthermore, we have applied the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow method and we found the presence of four clusters in the sense of GDPG rate. Finally, we confront eight machine learning algorithms to predict the value of GDPG rate and we found that the Polynomial Regression is the best predictor. The Polynomial Regression predicts an increase of GDPG rate equal to 2.88% on average for the analysed countries.

We estimate the determinants of Emissions-COE in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG model at world level. We use data of the World Bank for 193 countries in the period 2011-2020. We found that the level of COE is positively associated, among others to “Methane Emissions”, “Research and Development Expenditures”, and negatively associated among others to “Renewable Energy Consumption” and “Mean Drought Index”. Furthermore, we have applied a cluster analysis with the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method and we find the presence of four cluster. Finally, we apply eight machine-learning algorithms for the prediction of the future value of COE and we find that the Artificial Neural Network-ANN algorithm is the best predictor. The ANN predicts a reduction in the level of COE equal to 5.69% on average for the analysed countries.

We estimate the value of Research and Development Expenditures as a percentage of GDP-RDE in the context of Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG model. We use the ESG World Bank database. We analyze data from193 countries in the period 2011-2020. We apply a set of econometric techniques i.e. Pooled Ordinary Least Squares-OLS, Panel Data with Random Effects, Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Weighted Least Squares-WLS. We found that the level of RDE is positively associated, among others, to “Nitrous Oxide Emissions” and “Scientific and Technical Journal Articles”, and negatively associated, among others to “Heat Index 35”, “Maximum 5-day Rainfall”. Furthermore, we perform a cluster analysis with the application of the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method. The results show the presence of four clusters. Finally, we confront eight different machine-learning algorithms to predict the future value of RDE. We find that Linear Regression is the best predictive algorithms. RDE is expected to growth on average of 0.07% for the analysed countries.

In this article, we analyse the determinants of Regulatory Quality-RQ for 193 countries in the period 2011-2020. We use a database from ESG-Environment Social Governance of the World Bank. We apply OLS, Panel Data with Fixed Effects and Panel Data with Random Effects. We found that the variables that have the most positive impact on RQ, among others, are “GHG Net Emission”, “Mean Drought Index”, and “Heat Index”. We also found that the variables that have the most negative impact on RQ are among others “Renewable Energy Consumption”, “Voice and Accountability” and “Rule of Law”. Furthermore, we have applied the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method and we find the presence of five clusters. In adjunct, we confront eight machine learning algorithms to predict the value of RQ and we found that the best predictor is Polynomial Regression. The predictive level of RQ for the analysed countries is expected to diminish of -1,29%. In the end, we present a network analysis with the Euclidean distance and we found the presence of a structure of seven networks using augmented data.

In this article we estimate the level of Government Effectiveness-GE in 193 countries in the period 2011-2020 using data of the ESG World Bank Database. Different econometric techniques are used i.e. Panel Data with Random Effects, Panel Data with Fixed Effects, and Pooled OLS. Results show that GE is positively related among others to “Control of Corruption”, “Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism”, and negatively associated with “Percentage Annual GDP Growth”. We perform a cluster analysis with the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method and we find the presence of four clusters. Finally, we confront eight machine learning algorithms for the prediction of GE. Results show that the Polynomial Regression is the best predictive algorithm. The value of GE is expected to growth on average by 15.97%.

In this article we estimate the level of Control of Corruption for 193 countries in the period 2011-2020 using data from the ESG World Bank Database. Various econometric techniques are applied i.e.: Panel Data with Random Effects, Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Pooled OLS, WLS. Results show that “Control of Corruption” is positively associated, among others, to “Government Effectiveness” and “Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism”, while it is negatively associated among others to “Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing Value Added as Percentage of GDP” and “GHG Net Emissions/Removals by LUCF”. A cluster analysis implemented with the k-Means algorithm optimized with the Elbow Method shows four clusters. A confrontation among eight Machine Learning algorithms is proposed for the prediction of Control of Corruption. Polynomial Regression is the best predictor for the training data. The level of Control of Corruption is expected to growth by 10.36% on average.