Abstract:

This paper presents a fully articulated semi-presidential constitutional scheme (Scheme C) that embraces parliamentary fragmentation and minority governments as the new normal rather than pathologies requiring cure. Evolved from Schemes A and B, it strengthens prime-ministerial counterweights against the assembly. The scheme fuses (i) Westminster-style executive continuity and prime-ministerial dissolution initiative, (ii) French-style presidential authority in foreign and defence policy plus a robust legislative veto, (iii) synchronised presidential-legislative elections complemented by semi-mid-term legislative contests, and (iv) a game-based investiture rule paired with an innovative two-tier no-confidence procedure, both anchored in formal legislative confidence. Scheme C thereby achieves an unprecedented synthesis: more parliamentary than classic president-parliamentary or premier-presidential systems, more stable than Westminster models amid fragmented legislatures, and endowed with stronger mid-term democratic correctives than existing benchmarks. Its architecture simultaneously shields the prime minister from presidential overreach, the president from parliamentary extortion, and the state from governmental paralysis or authoritarian drift---even under unified political control of both branches. Scheme C is thus advanced not as theoretical speculation but as a coherent, stress-tested model ready for adoption in contemporary democracies facing persistent legislative fragmentation.

Abstract: When tightly-knit communities suddenly show electoral volatility, does it signal weakening group identity, or something else entirely? This question matters wherever cohesive groups vote as blocs: evangelical churches, immigrant enclaves, ethnic minorities, religious denominations. Conventional wisdom interprets such shifts as boundary erosion. This paper demonstrates the opposite.I exploit a natural experiment, Israel’s 2020 - 21 electoral crisis, to track voter transitions within ultra-Orthodox communities, where ethnically distinct subgroups (Ashkenazi and Sephardic) maintain near-total political separation despite shared religious practice. Using ecological inference on ballot-box data from five population centers across six elections (2019 - 2022), I document exceptionally high baseline party loyalty (90 - 95%), a dramatic disruption during the March 2020 – March 2021 transition when switching surged to 12 - 19%, and a return to high loyalty to the “new” party. a pattern that remained invisible in country-level aggregates and became detectable only through the ecological-inference framework applied here, and a return to high loyalty to the post-switch party..The synchronized switch of voting loyalty across geographically dispersed cities, occurring without residential mobility, suggests coordinated elite guidance rather than emerging voter independence. Paradoxically, mass switching demonstrates stronger, not weaker, institutional control.This finding exposes a methodological trap. Researchers sometimes use voting patterns as proxies for residential segregation, including in my own earlier work. When voters switched parties without moving, standard indices falsely registered political shifts as spatial integration, a confound that threatens any study that conflates demographic and political boundaries.The broader implication challenges how we interpret electoral behavior in cohesive communities worldwide: apparent volatility may signal disciplined coordination, and what looks like boundary erosion may actually reveal institutional strength operating through collective action.

Abstract: Conventional electoral theory posits that transparency enhances accountability by enabling voters to make informed, rational decisions. However, empirical evidence from diverse national contexts reveals a persistent disconnect: the disclosure of corruption frequently fails to precipitate significant electoral repercussions. This apparent paradox has led some scholars to posit voter irrationality. This paper challenges this interpretation, contending instead that the absence of electoral sanctions against corrupt politicians arises from the inherent complexities of strategic environments, characterized by information asymmetry and ambiguous signaling. We develop a formal model employing dynamic game theory to analyze the strategic interactions between politicians and voters who update their beliefs through Bayesian learning. Our model demonstrates that electoral accountability emerges incrementally, contingent upon sequences of credible signals across multiple electoral cycles. To mitigate the pervasive challenges of adverse selection and moral hazard, we propose the establishment of an independent Political Rating Agency (PRA). This agency would furnish credible, standardized, and readily interpretable information. The efficacy of such a PRA is critically contingent upon its perceived credibility and the electorate's propensity to integrate its ratings into their decision-making calculus.

Abstract: This study examines the AUKUS security partnership, established in September 2021, with a focus on public opinion and its relation to national policy in Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Using weekly Google Trends data from September 2021 to July 2025, the research identifies differences in public attention and the key drivers shaping perceptions of AUKUS. Australians emphasise costs and uncertainties; the British prioritise economic opportunities and diplomatic influence; and Americans focus on strategic considerations. China-related factors—particularly the perceived China Threat—play a central role in shaping public sentiment in Australia and the United States, whereas in the United Kingdom, a combination of China influence, employment concerns, and the Global Britain agenda drives attention. The study also considers policy implications, finding a strong alignment between public opinion and government policy across the three countries. While the core AUKUS narrative centres on the UK, the United Kingdom may also play a leading role in setting the policy agenda. These findings demonstrate the utility of time-series digital data for assessing public perceptions and offer a novel approach for understanding the interaction between public sentiment and foreign policy.

Abstract: This review examines the idea that systemic poverty is a deliberate and enduring instrument of economic and social enslavement; tracing its evolution from colonial exploitation to contemporary political class domination in Africa, with a specific focus on Nigeria. The study argues that poverty in Nigeria is not merely a consequence of mismanagement or underdevelopment but a structural tool used to maintain control, suppress resistance, and perpetuate dependency. Through historical and analytical exposition, it explores how colonialism institutionalised deprivation, by embedding extractive economic systems, hierarchical governance, and ideological subjugation. The review further discusses how postcolonial elites inherited and perfected these mechanisms, transforming political independence into a new form of internal colonisation, where poverty serves as political capital and control mechanism. The social and psychological consequences of this structure fragmentation, ethical erosion, youth disillusionment, and the feminisation of poverty are highlighted as barriers to collective progress. Finally, the paper proposes pathways toward liberation through consciousness reawakening, institutional reforms, economic diversification, and moral leadership. It concludes that the eradication of systemic poverty requires not charity but structural emancipation anchored in justice, productivity, and collective dignity.

Abstract: This study examines the relationship between natural resource rents and income inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The empirical analysis covers 24 countries over the period 1998-2020. Econometric estimations are conducted using both fixed and random effects models to account for country-specific and time-invariant factors. Using the Gini coefficient as a proxy for inequality, the results suggest that total natural resource rents do not have a statistically significant effect on income inequality in the region. In contrast, access to financial services and digital technologies appear to be more influential in reducing inequality. The findings highlight the potential importance of inclusive development policies, such as allocating resource wealth to social programs in education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Additionally, promoting economic diversification and strengthening governance institutions may support more effective management of natural resources. The observed negative and statistically significant associations between information and communication technology (ICT) and financial development with inequality indicate that investments in ICT infrastructure and measures to enhance financial inclusion could contribute to addressing income disparities in the region.

Abstract: This study investigates the gap between perceived and actual political orientation among Bangladeshi university students using the Political Compass framework. The research aimed to measure how accurately individuals understand their own positions along the economic (left–right) and social (libertarian–authoritarian) axes. A quantitative survey design was employed, collecting responses from 196 university students through a questionnaire that combined self-assessment items with the Political Compass test. Participants’ calculated positions were compared with their self-reported alignments to determine discrepancies. Results revealed that only 1.5% of respondents correctly identified their social orientation, and 2.6% accurately identified their economic orientation. The majority perceived themselves as more liberal or left-leaning than their calculated positions, with an overall mean misrepresentation of 7.07 units. Further independent t-tests also proved that there is a significant difference between the participants’ perceived position and calculated position on the political compass.

Abstract: Living Labs (LLs) are collaborative ecosystems designed to address complex social and environmental challenges through multi-stakeholder participation. The Collaboratory Catalunya project, launched by the Catalan government in 2019, aims to establish a re-gional digital LL by applying the LL methodology within an Internet-based innovation ecosystem. This study assesses the effectiveness, impact, and transformative potential of the project across Catalonia (Spain), based on surveys and semi-structured interviews with Quadruple Helix stakeholders. The results demonstrate positive outcomes in terms of cross-sector collaboration, the promotion of distributed Digital Social Innovation (DSI), and the acceleration of digital transformation within public and private organisations. Responsible DSI (RDSI) is exemplified by project which uses Information and Com-munication Technologies (ICTs) to address societal challenges while promoting inclu-sion, ethics, and public value. Moreover, it provides valuable insights into how regional and digital Living Labs can encourage innovation that is both systemic and responsible. It also highlights the role of public administration in encouraging co-creation and in-fluencing public policy.

Abstract: This qualitative study investigates Ireland's deployment of soft power in U.S. politics from 2005 to 2025, interrogating how a small, neutral state leverages economic interdependence, institutionalized cultural diplomacy, and diaspora mobilization to advance national interests amid geopolitical flux. Grounded in Nye's soft power framework and theories of asymmetrical interdependence (Keohane & Nye, 2011), the research posits that these pillars—manifest in robust U.S. foreign direct investment, ceremonial engagements like St. Patrick's Day summits, and Irish-American advocacy—enable disproportionate influence, exemplified by safeguarding the Good Friday Agreement during Brexit.Employing Krippendorff's content analysis and Yin's case study triangulation, the analysis synthesizes governmental reports, economic datasets, and scholarly literature, revealing adaptive strategies that mitigated Brexit's threats through transatlantic lobbying and bipartisan congressional support. Key findings underscore Ireland's efficacy in shaping U.S. policy discourse, yet expose vulnerabilities, including fiscal overreliance on American multinationals and generational diaspora dilution.Critically, the paper advances small-state diplomacy scholarship by illuminating soft power's resilience in interdependent systems, though its qualitative emphasis could benefit from quantitative metrics for influence measurement. Implications include policy prescriptions for diversification and digital enhancement, offering a model for peripheral actors in global affairs, with avenues for comparative research on evolving diasporic dynamics.

Abstract: The Indian Constitution holds Fundamental Rights for every citizen and secures the foundation of freedom, equality, and justice for all in a democracy. However, for many Indians, especially those in marginalised sections, while they are guaranteed, enjoying or even accessing them, is not an easy task primarily because of poverty, illiteracy, discrimination, and administrative delays. The present study seeks to highlight the significance of Fundamental Rights in contemporary India, with specific reference to awareness and access. Drawing on constitutional provisions, judicial interpretations, secondary sources, and original survey responses, this research highlights the differences between the vision of the Constitution and the lived experience. Furthermore, it considers the ways education, electoral engagement, and various institutional elements affect public perceptions of rights, and exposes the remaining obstacles to exercising them. Findings reveal pragmatic solutions such as rights education in schools, utilising social media for awareness and institutional accountability to make the rights active empowerments for citizens and not something confined to paper, for the everyday life. Overall, the research identifies that the utility of Fundamental Rights is not based solely on the law being there, but also on whether society can work collectively to afford it to everybody.

Abstract: This study offers a comprehensive examination of the concept of a "power vacuum" within the realm of international relations, delving into how states and other actors strategically seek to extend their influence whenever established powers retreat or decline. Drawing from an integration of historical examples and theoretical frameworks, this study identifies recurring vacuum-filling behaviors and strategies across a range of domains: military, political, economic, cultural, and technological. These patterns are not merely relics of the past but continue to shape contemporary geopolitics. Through a critical analysis of the shifting balances among major global players, such as the United States, China, and Russia, alongside assertive regional powers, this paper highlights the evolution of vacuum-filling strategies. No longer limited to overt military interventions, states now utilize a sophisticated blend of economic investments, technological advancement, diplomatic engagement, and cultural influence to occupy spaces left by receding powers. The study further observes that the success of these endeavors is increasingly influenced by internal political dynamics within the competing states, resource constraints, and the growing entanglement of global interest’s characteristic of the nascent multipolar world order.Ultimately, this research underscores that vacuum filling remains a foundational force in the transformation of international relations. However, the mechanisms and outcomes of such processes are shaped by a complex set of factors, necessitating deeper scholarly attention. Future research should examine the intricate relationships between domestic politics, resource allocation, and the stability of emerging power configurations during ongoing global transformations.

Abstract: This study offers a comprehensive exploration of international seminars and conferences as pivotal instruments of soft power amid ongoing geostrategic transformations. As global dynamics evolve rapidly, the significance of non-coercive influence in international relations has become increasingly pertinent. Utilizing qualitative research methodologies, this study systematically investigated how these events act as powerful conduits for soft power by facilitating dialogue, fostering cultural exchange, and driving the dissemination of cutting-edge ideas. Through a detailed examination of peer-reviewed studies and institutional reports published between 2015 and 2025, we integrate a broad spectrum of insights that reveal the nuanced role these gatherings play in shaping geopolitical narratives. This paper emphasizes how international seminars and conferences can enhance diplomatic relations, build transnational networks, and promote mutual understanding among diverse cultures and nations. By constructing clearly organized comparative tables, this study synthesizes principal findings from the literature, offering a thorough analysis of the strategic utility and impact of these conferences in contemporary geopolitics. The resulting dialogue highlights the capacity of these events to influence policy, bolster alliances, and mitigate international tensions through enhanced cooperation and understanding.Ultimately, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the strategic utility of soft power tools in a world characterized by complexity and unpredictability. It concludes with a set of targeted recommendations aimed at optimizing the use of international seminars and conferences as mechanisms for advancing global cooperation and addressing the challenges posed by contemporary geopolitical shifts. This work enriches the academic discourse on soft power and provides practical insights for policymakers to effectively leverage these platforms in this era of transformation.

Abstract: This paper builds on efforts to adapt a game-based constitutional scheme, originally designed for Korea-like presidential systems, to semi-presidential systems, introducing two innovative schemes: Scheme A and Scheme B. Initially, we assumed the prime minister selection procedure for a vacant office could be directly transposed, but refinements led to a parallel process with relative timing, improving rigor over the original sequential, absolute-timing approach. Applying the game-based concept to the prime minister replacement procedure yields constructive vote of no-confidence. A novel concept of formal legislative confidence, grounded in a systematic theory, is then inspired, and is integrated into other procedural elements of the proposed schemes. This concept standardizes presidential dismissal authority across provisions. A ``presidential bias'' parameter shapes the schemes: Scheme A, with zero bias, mirrors a typical semi-presidential system, incorporating a Request for Successor (RFS) mechanism to unify parliamentary dissolution while minimizing its frequency. Scheme B, with a bias ranging from 0 to 1/8, adopts a presidential-leaning structure featuring a 9/16 cohabitation threshold, and excludes RFS, resulting in an indissoluble parliament. We recommend Scheme A for robust governance in fragmented parliaments and Scheme B for stable, presidential-leaning systems. As refined version, Scheme B renders the original scheme obsolete. Both proposed schemes offer innovative alternatives to traditional selection, confidence and removal mechanisms in semi-presidential systems.

Abstract: The approach particularly analyzes the decentralization of unitary states into federated states, with economic transformation through fiscal decentralization naturally being the objective of the analysis. Thus, in particular, the evidence shows that unitary states do indeed have inefficiencies related particularly to their capacity for economic transformation, while regions in non-federal states depend largely on decisions that must be made by policymakers, which in fact have a negative impact on the levels of public policy implementation. In particular, the study shows that subnational levels in a federal system can in fact become resilient and naturally transformative of the economy if, on the one hand, they achieve profound fiscal decentralization, which nevertheless converges with the lower levels of the subnational region. In this approach, I propose inclusive decentralization, with community councils as the lowest possible level for the implementation of public and fiscal policies, which can channel economic transformation and assertive territorial cohesion.

Abstract: This research paper explores the multifaceted role of cultural communication in enhancing Saudi Arabia's global reach and fostering international understanding. Utilizing a qualitative methodology, this study delves into the strategies employed by the Kingdom to bridge cultural gaps, dispel stereotypes, and expand its influence on the international stage. Drawing upon existing literature in intercultural communication, public diplomacy, and cultural globalization, the paper identifies key initiatives and their impact on transforming global perceptions of Saudi Arabia. The findings highlight the critical importance of active participation in international cultural events, cultural exchange programs, and the establishment of cultural centers abroad. This paper argues that effective cultural communication is not merely a tool for transmitting messages but a strategic driver for national development and harmonious international relations. Recommendations for future research are also provided to further explore the evolving landscape of Saudi cultural diplomacy.

Abstract: Growing powers of far-right populist parties in European countries has led to more divisive politics on climate change. This is the case also in Sweden, a country that has long been seen as a frontrunner in climate policy and a stronghold of liberal democracy. With a far-right populist nativist party currently holding tangible powers, Swedish climate politics have turned into an antidemocratic politics with rising greenhouse gas emissions in less than two years. Using contemporary Swedish climate politics as a case study, this paper qualitatively analyses the divisive nature of right-wing populist climate politics, with particular focus on the systematic use of hate speech and hate crime for political purposes – nasty politics with nasty rhetoric. Based on empirical data from 157 items from newspapers, magazines, radio, television and social media from June 2021 to June 2025, as well as a review of recent cross-disciplinary literature on hate speech and hate crime, this paper explores the use and nature of nasty rhetoric, raising questions for discussion among scholars, policymakers and civil society beyond Sweden. It is found that leading right-wing politicians, including the prime minister, cabinet ministers and leading parliamentarians, portray climate science as “a point of view”, green politicians as “strawmen” that should be “killed”, female climate journalists as “left pack” and “moron hags” that “will be raped”, and the climate justice movement as “saboteurs”, “totalitarian terrorists” and “a threat to Swedish democracy” that should be “sent to prison” and “executed”. The use of nasty rhetoric can be described as a double-edged sword, aiming to silence the opponents to the current paradigm shift in Swedish climate policy, while at the same time mobilising followers through conspiracy theories with fantasies and symbolic threats to expand the weird sport of nasty rhetoric. Reviewing the literature, people persuaded to follow and expand the use of nasty rhetoric seem to be influenced by ideology, but also social processes as well as dark personality traits. The pro-climate opposition is also using insults and accusations, not to silence the Tidö parties, but to reveal right-wing populist climate policy and politicians as a naked emperor.

Abstract: This study examines the flows of evidence that inform urban policy in three rapidly urbanizing East African countries: Tanzania, Kenya, and Ethiopia. Using a broad definition of evidence that encompasses data, scientific knowledge, experiential insights, and contextual understanding, the research traces how different types of evidence move between local, national, and regional policy actors through three critical urban policy themes: multi-level governance and fiscal devolution, industrial strategy, and informality. The methodology employed a mixed approach combining grey literature review of policy documents (2020-2025), analysis of the inaugural Africa Urban Forum (2024), and analysis of dialogues at a meeting of the Tanzania Urbanisation Laboratory (TULab) in 2025. This multi-phase approach enabled examination of evidence flows across different scales and institutional contexts.The findings reveal significant disconnects between evidence generation and policy formulation. While substantial evidence exists on urban informality, local governance innovations, and appropriate industrial strategies, much of this knowledge fails to influence policy due to institutional barriers and misaligned evidentiary pathways. National governments predominantly rely on evidence from international consultancies and multilateral agencies that favour quantitative, macro-economic data suitable for large-scale infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, rich qualitative evidence from NGOs, universities, and urban communities—often more relevant to the lived realities of urban residents—struggles to penetrate policy processes.The research concludes that realizing Africa's urban potential requires not just better data, but fundamentally reformed evidentiary processes that enable bottom-up knowledge to inform top-down planning. This includes new platforms for multi-level evidence exchange, embedded urban policy advisors, and enhanced regional capacity for evidence synthesis. Without addressing these evidentiary biases, East African cities risk missing opportunities to harness urbanization for inclusive economic transformation.

Abstract: This case study examines the role of evidence in the agricultural policymaking processes within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), focusing on its regional agricultural policy, ECOWAP. It investigates how evidence flows between national and regional levels, the key actors involved, and the institutional mechanisms supporting evidence integration into policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. The study highlights that while ECOWAS has proactively used evidence in agricultural policymaking since the early 2000s, significant challenges remain. External actors, particularly consultancy firms and international organizations, dominate the evidence landscape, with limited contributions from universities and national research centers. Formalized mechanisms for transferring data between national and regional levels are lacking, compounded by insufficient regional analytical capacities. Furthermore, the flow of research evidence and expert knowledge, notably from non-state actors, remains fragmented and informal. Reliance on external funding often results in donor-driven agendas misaligned with regional priorities. While evidence-informed approaches are strong during policy formulation, they weaken significantly during implementation. Additionally, the multiplicity of actors involved creates fragmentation, reducing coherence and coordination within ECOWAS’s agricultural policy ecosystem. To address these issues, the study recommends institutionalizing evidence transfer mechanisms, strengthening regional data analysis capabilities, establishing structured engagement processes with universities and research centers, formalizing the role of non-state actors, reducing dependence on external funding by aligning research agendas with regional needs, and embedding a robust evidence culture throughout all policy stages, especially implementation.

Abstract: This paper examines the intersection of global climate governance, carbon markets, and Indigenous Peoples' rights under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. It critically analyses how Indigenous Peoples have contested the Article 6 market mechanisms of the Paris Agreement at COP25 and COP26 by highlighting their role in perpetuating "carbon colonialism," thereby revealing deeper power dynamics in global climate governance. Utilising a Political Ecology framework, the study explores these power dynamics at play during the climate negotiations, focusing on the instrumental, structural, and discursive forms of power that enable or limit Indigenous participation. Through a qualitative case study approach, the research reveals that while Indigenous Peoples have successfully used discursive strategies to challenge market-based solutions, their influence remains limited due to entrenched structural and instrumental power imbalances within the UNFCCC process. The study highlights the need for equitable policies that integrate human rights safeguards and prioritise Indigenous-led, non-market-based approaches to ecological restoration.

Abstract: Over the past 50 years, attention has intensified on Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC) Article X, which obligates states parties to provide international cooperation and assistance (ICA) and ensure the broadest accessibility of biology for peaceful purposes. In the absence of a treaty protocol and institutional support, Article X’s scope of activities and standard for compliance remain up to the interpretation of each state party. The Ninth BWC Review Conference established the Working Group on the Strengthening of the Convention (Working Group) and mandated it to address ICA, including establishing a mechanism to facilitate Article X implementation. Utilizing a mixed-methods methodology, this study characterizes the landscape of Article X and ICA perspectives among BWC delegations and other stakeholders. It identifies concrete opportunities to strengthen Article X implementation, in support of the Working Group’s efforts, including a pillar framework to illustrate alignment across an ICA mechanism’s roles, activities, and resources.