Abstract: This paper proposes mengolah, a culturally embedded Indonesian term describing informal grassroots lobbying and political brokerage, as a decolonial methodology and medium of political communication for understanding youth political participation in Indonesia. Grounded in the everyday practices of Indonesian political culture, mengolah represents a distinct form of political engagement that operates through personal networks, informal negotiation, and relational trust rather than formal institutional channels. This study explicitly positions mengolah not as an inherently corrupt practice but as a legitimate cultural medium through which citizens engage with democratic processes, functioning analogously to constituent services and political networking in Western democracies while reflecting Indonesian values of kebersamaan (togetherness) and gotong royong (mutual cooperation). Drawing on data from the 2024 Indonesian general elections, where youth voters comprised 56% of the electorate, this study examines how mengolah functions as both a grassroots political methodology and a structured pathway for political mobility. Skilled practitioners of mengolah (pengolah) typically progress from grassroots volunteers to organizational leaders in organisasi masyarakat (mass organizations) and eventually to formal party cadres or elected officials. This trajectory demonstrates that mengolah serves as political apprenticeship, a medium for cultivating democratic capacities and connecting informal community leadership with institutional politics. Through analysis of social media data, electoral brokerage patterns, and youth political behavior, this study contributes to the project of decolonizing political science by centering indigenous Indonesian political practices as legitimate, functional, and epistemologically significant objects of scholarly inquiry.

Abstract: Bhimbor Deori (1903-1947) remains a pivotal yet insufficiently explored figure in the history of India's struggle for independence and the political evolution of Assam. A multifaceted individual-lawyer, tribal rights advocate, parliamentarian, and nationalist leader, Deori played a crucial role in mobilising the plain tribal communities of Assam and was instrumental in countering colonial and Muslim League efforts to incorporate the province into the proposed state of Pakistan. This review synthesises the available biographical, historical, and political information to construct a comprehensive profile of the Deori. It critically examines his early life and the discriminatory incident that catalysed his public career, his foundational role in institutionalising tribal politics through the Assam Backwards Plains Tribal League, his tenure as a Legislative Councillor and Minister, and his strategic collaboration with Gopinath Bordoloi. This article analyses a significant duality in his legacy: his simultaneous advocacy for Indigenous self-determination and his unwavering commitment to a unified Indian nation. It also interrogates the ideological tensions between his advocacy for tribal "homelands" and his Indian nationalism. Finally, this article identifies significant gaps in the existing scholarship, which relies heavily on commemorative sources, and proposes concrete avenues for future archival and critical research to fully integrate Jananeta Bhimbor Deori into the broader historiography of modern South Asia.

Abstract: The field of international relations faces significant research gaps as traditional frameworks struggle to address emerging challenges in the twenty-first century. This research paper presents a comprehensive qualitative analysis of four priority research domains that require urgent scholarly attention: artificial intelligence governance and global power dynamics, climate security and interstate conflict, digital sovereignty in the Global South, and non-state actors in hybrid warfare. Through systematic literature review and thematic analysis, this study identifies critical theoretical and empirical gaps in existing scholarship while proposing frameworks for addressing these deficiencies.The research employs a qualitative methodology incorporating document analysis, comparative case studies, and interpretive analysis of policy documents and academic literature. Findings reveal that traditional international relations theories, including realism, liberalism, and constructivism, require significant adaptation to address the multidimensional challenges posed by technological transformation, environmental change, and evolving security paradigms. The paper concludes with evidence-based recommendations for future research agendas, emphasizing interdisciplinary collaboration, methodological innovation, and policy-relevant scholarship. This analysis contributes to the ongoing discourse on advancing international relations scholarship in an era of unprecedented global complexity and interconnection.

Abstract: This paper presents Scheme T, a presidential framework. It originates from the author's quest for partisan continuity, whereby a mid-term presidential vacancy is filled by a successor from the same political party as the incumbent, unless a new popular election is held. The American system fails to guarantee this due to its rigid election timing. The Turkish framework offers synchronized terms and flexible scheduling, facilitating partisan continuity, but the current Turkish constitution, the only living implementation of the Turkish framework, has two undesired features: “plebiscitary succession” and “violation of election synchronization”. Scheme T, within the Turkish framework, introduces a vice-presidential office with dual-path confirmation. It mandates that double vacancy (simultaneous absence of president and vice president) or any presidential or legislative initiative of renewal triggers a full general election, eliminating standalone presidential elections. A novel method for presidential election, PLAR (Popular Legislative Automatic Runoff), is proposed. It is a single-round method for simultaneous presidential and legislative elections that matches the fairness of two-round absolute-majority results but offers greater efficiency. Scheme T augments the Turkish system with a Westminster-style no-confidence mechanism (retaining the three-fifths threshold), but restricts it to narrow windows covering only about one-sixth of the term. This curbs impulsive or emotion-driven major decisions and prioritizes governance over continuous political struggle. This adds confidence-based flexibility without fixed-term rigidity, balanced by high thresholds and structured succession. Integrating Turkish, Westminster, and American strengths, Scheme T delivers enhanced stability, accountability, and adaptability, providing an elegant and innovative blueprint for building future presidential governments.

Abstract: This paper develops the institutional implications of the Noble Person Test, a framework for evaluating justice proposed in [Shuhao Z., Beyond the Veil of Ignorance: The Noble Person Test as a Framework for Justice]. The Noble Per- son Test evaluates institutional arrangements by asking whether a hypothetical agent—default self-interested, intellectually honest, and persuadable under strict conditions—would accept the arrangement from every position within it. This pa- per argues that the test is best operationalised not as individual thought experiment but as structured adversarial debate: a red team representing those bearing the costs of an arrangement defaults to refusal, while a blue team representing those proposing the arrangement bears the burden of proving necessity and the absence of less costly alternatives. The paper derives four structural features that just insti- tutions must possess, examines the relationship between the Noble Person Test and democratic governance, applies the framework to three domains of legal and pol- icy controversy, and proposes concrete institutional mechanisms for implementing adversarial review. The paper draws on existing practices in military red-teaming, intelligence analysis, and judicial adversarial procedure to argue that the proposed mechanism is not utopian but an extension of proven institutional designs.

Abstract: This paper consolidates our previous work and articulates Scheme C, a constitutional architecture designed to resolve deadlocks and instability in fragmented democracies by synthesising previous findings into a self-contained theoretical framework. The scheme's centrepiece is a game-based investiture rule that guarantees the appointment of a prime minister through a strategic nomination process, eliminating the risk of investiture-related collapse. Central to this system is also a bifurcated confidence structure -- assigning the prime minister either type I (majority) or type II (minority) status -- managed by a dynamic no-confidence mechanism. Stability is reinforced by a synchronised electoral rhythm and a Westminster-style dissolution mechanism that protects cohesive assemblies while resulting in contingent, quasi-midterm elections. To ensure continuity, a novel hybrid caretaker office bridges Westminster and Presidential traditions by automatically converting a departing prime minister into a tenure-secured, though authority-attenuated, caretaker. This "converted" logic is balanced by a presidential-style "acting" appointment mode for vacancies, ensuring administrative resilience throughout the electoral cycle. Ultimately, Scheme C provides a resilient architecture that ensures unyielding governmental functionality and rigorous legislative oversight regardless of the underlying electoral system or party landscape.

Abstract: Conventional frameworks for assessing national competitive advantage assume that original scientific discovery is the highest-order determinant of national power. This paper challenges that assumption. It proposes the Capability Hierarchy Thesis: de- ployment capacity—the ability to translate ideas into physical reality at speed and scale through rapid iterative cycles—is not parallel to discovery capacity but hier- archically superior, fully subsuming it. This subsumption is complete because the conditions producing theoretical breakthroughs—large educated populations, qual- ity universities, institutional incentives for risk-taking—are themselves deployable. The paper reframes the relationship between imitation and innovation through the concept of principled imitation: independently deriving the principles underly- ing an observed solution and reimplementing based on that understanding. This process requires the same capabilities as original innovation, differing only in in- formation conditions. A nation that imitates rapidly demonstrates deep scientific comprehension; when no external solution exists, the same capabilities produce orig- inal innovation automatically. Drawing on the theoretical foundations of The Entropy Frontier (Shuhao Zhong, [2026]), which redefines national wealth as accumulated human capital, physical systems, and institutional knowledge, this paper develops three contributions: the Capability Hierarchy framework, the National Iteration Capacity Index (NICI), and the Imitation-Innovation Continuum Model. Applied to the U.S.-China com- petition, the framework yields conclusions diverging significantly from conventional assessments.

Abstract: Global environmental governance has expanded significantly, yet it remains politically inadequate to address planetary crises in the Anthropocene. Despite the proliferation of multilateral environmental agreements, governance arrangements continue to suffer from fragmentation, weak authority, limited accountability, and a sovereignty-bound logic that constrains collective action. This article critically examines these limitations through an assessment of polycentric and Nested Systemic Governance approaches. While nested governance can reduce fragmentation and enhance participation, it remains dependent on voluntarism and lacks the political authority and democratic anchoring required for durable coordination. Drawing on debates in environmental politics and global governance, the article advances a longer-term institutional perspective that conceptualises a gradual evolution toward a federative framework combining multilevel participation with enforceable authority and democratic legitimacy.

Abstract: The allocation of European Union (EU) funds for security and defense is central to solidarity among Member States. Yet, as geopolitical instability and hybrid threats continue to grow in the EU, concerns have emerged about whether the current distribution of EU funding adequately reflects the varying degrees of exposure among states. Taking this problematic in consideration, this article draws on the findings from the UDebDS project, which examines how funds are currently allocated and whether the states facing the highest security risks are receiving commensurate support. To achieve our goals we used a multidisciplinary, data-driven approach. That approach included the development of a comprehensive dataset and a set of measurable risk indicators (MRIs), capable of capturing vulnerabilities and deficits. Based on the MRIs, our research proposed an alternative model to support a more balanced and responsive EU funding. By doing so, we expect to inform ongoing policy discussion around equity and the future of shared defense investments in the Union. Further steps should build on the refinement of our model through sensitivity testing and a simulation-based studies to examine how alternative allocation models can influence the EU defense posture.

Abstract:

Traditional paradigms of nation-building and state-building have dominated political theory and international policy for decades, yet their explanatory and prescriptive power remains limited in postcolonial and conflict-affected contexts. Recurrent instability, institutional fragility, and governance failure are often interpreted as operational deficiencies, yet this article contends that the root cause is primarily epistemological. Existing frameworks fragment political life into discrete domains—institutions, identity, legitimacy—while remaining anchored in Westphalian assumptions that fail to capture the dynamic, adaptive nature of political communities. This article introduces Nationesis, a novel transdisciplinary science dedicated to the study of nations as living, adaptive systems whose persistence depends on regenerative processes rather than mere stabilization. Nationesis integrates insights from political theory, comparative constitutionalism, postcolonial scholarship, and systems science to provide a unified analytical framework encompassing institutions, collective meaning, historical memory, leadership intelligence, and legitimacy. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a paradigmatic case of systemic complexity, the article demonstrates why conventional paradigms systematically misread patterns of persistence, fragility, and renewal. The study concludes that the future of political order relies not on institutional replication alone but on a community’s capacity to regenerate meaning, legitimacy, and collective coherence under systemic strain. Nationesis thus offers a transformative lens for political theory, global constitutionalism, and the science of sustainable political communities.

Abstract: Traditional paradigms of nation-building and state-building have dominated political theory and international policy for decades, yet their explanatory and prescriptive power remains limited in postcolonial and conflict-affected contexts. Recurrent instability, institutional fragility, and governance failure are often interpreted as operational deficiencies, yet this article contends that the root cause is primarily epistemological. Existing frameworks fragment political life into discrete domains—institutions, identity, legitimacy—while remaining anchored in Westphalian assumptions that fail to capture the dynamic, adaptive nature of political communities.This article introduces Nationology, a novel transdisciplinary science dedicated to the study of nations as living, adaptive systems whose persistence depends on regenerative processes rather than mere stabilization. Nationology integrates insights from political theory, comparative constitutionalism, postcolonial scholarship, and systems science to provide a unified analytical framework encompassing institutions, collective meaning, historical memory, leadership intelligence, and legitimacy. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a paradigmatic case of systemic complexity, the article demonstrates why conventional paradigms systematically misread patterns of persistence, fragility, and renewal.The study concludes that the future of political order relies not on institutional replication alone but on a community’s capacity to regenerate meaning, legitimacy, and collective coherence under systemic strain. Nationology thus offers a transformative lens for political theory, global constitutionalism, and the science of sustainable political communities.

Abstract: This study explores how psychological traits such as internal locus of control and cognitive flexibility relate to well-being and political orientation among young Finnish adults. Drawing on data from 136 participants, we examined how value alignment, perceived ideological distance, and openness to diverse groups intersect with political identity. Contrary to common assumptions, more conservative participants showed greater openness to differing political views, lower value distance, and higher internal control. These traits, in turn, were positively associated with subjective well-being. Regression models confirmed internal locus of control and cognitive flexibility as key predictors of well-being, while political orientation was linked to both openness and perceived distance from ideological outgroups. These findings challenge simplistic associations between political orientation and rigidity, suggesting that ideological openness and psychological resilience may align differently across generational or cultural contexts. Rather than mapping cleanly onto left–right divisions, political identity appears embedded within broader patterns of agency, tolerance, and psychological strength.

Abstract: This article proposes a transformative framework for understanding nations not merely as political communities, but as emergent, intelligence-generating systems. Drawing on Nationesis, complexity theory, cognitive systems science, and political philosophy, it argues that the durability, legitimacy, and innovation capacity of nations depend on the interplay of cognitive, symbolic, and structural layers of collective intelligence. The article introduces national cognition as the meta-structure through which societies process information, resolve conflicts, generate social knowledge, and adapt to systemic crises. Using comparative insights from Japan, South Africa, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it demonstrates that nations with higher capacities for distributed cognition, narrative coherence, and symbolic integration are more resilient under extreme stress. By integrating theory, empirical evidence, and policy applications, this study establishes Nationesis as a predictive and normative science capable of guiding research and governance in postcolonial, fragile, and globally interconnected polities.

Abstract: We apply the mathematical framework of Painlev\'e monodromy manifolds and WKB asymptotic analysis to analyze structural dynamics of multipolar transitions, demonstrating both topological constraints and quantitative crisis prediction. The framework models major power configurations as Riemann surfaces with holes (stable centers) and bordered cusps (instability points), where confluence operations correspond to geopolitical transitions. Historical analysis reveals the interwar period (1918--1945) as a confluence cascade: PVI (post-Versailles multipolar order) $\to$ PV bifurcation (1930--1933) $\to$ P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ deceptive simplification (1933--1936) $\to$ P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ three-theater global war (1941--1945). The P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ path was most dangerous because apparent stability masked geometric necessity driving toward crisis multiplication. WKB analysis validates this structure: crisis frequency during both interwar and contemporary (2001--2024) periods follows predicted $f \propto 1/\sqrt{\Delta}$ scaling (with correlation factor $r = 0.89$ and $r = 0.74$ respectively), where $\Delta(t)$ measures the power gap between hegemon and challenger. The contemporary system (2024--2025) exhibits similar PV configuration. Quantitative projections indicate critical transition 2030--2033 when crisis frequency exceeds 2.5/year (terminal instability threshold), with collapse window 2032--2036 where systemic discontinuity becomes likely (probability $>$70\% based on interwar precedent). Three trajectories remain accessible: (1) PIII managed regional competition (geometrically stable but low probability 15--25\%), (2) P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ apparent simplification leading to P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ within 5--10 years (moderate-high probability 40--50\%), or (3) PIV immediate escalation (moderate probability 25--35\%). Policy implications: (1) pursue PIII sphere-of-influence arrangements during 2024--2030 window, (2) recognize P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ as unstable trap not strategic success, (3) prepare comprehensively for P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ three-theater crisis if cascade unavoidable, and (4) implement real-time monitoring of power gap $\Delta(t)$ and crisis frequency $f(t)$ with defined decision triggers. The framework provides quantitative early warning (6--10 years advance notice) unavailable in traditional geopolitical forecasting, enabling continuous validation and strategic adjustment.

Abstract: Women's empowerment remains central to sustainable development, yet substantial disparities persist across Africa, with Nigeria ranking 99th of 114 countries on the Women's Empowerment Index—far below both global and Sub-Saharan African averages. This study applies machine learning to forecast empowerment trajectories and identify evidence-based pathways for Nigeria's SDG 5 progress. Using the 2022 Women's Empowerment Index dataset covering 114 countries, we integrate K-means clustering for peer group identification with linear regression modeling to quantify determinants of empowerment. Results demonstrate that gender parity indicators explain 70.5% of global variance in empowerment scores (r = 0.839, p < 0.001), establishing gender equality as a high-leverage development strategy. Comparative analysis with African peers—Rwanda, Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa—reveals that constitutional gender quotas, sustained educational investments, and comprehensive reforms significantly accelerate outcomes. Forecasting scenarios indicate Nigeria could improve its empowerment score by 8.7% by 2030, 25.9% by 2035, or 64.6% by 2040 under different policy approaches aligned with peer country achievements. These findings demonstrate that Nigeria's empowerment deficit is policy-responsive rather than structurally predetermined, offering policymakers actionable, time-bound benchmarks for accelerating SDG 5 achievement.

Abstract: This paper proposes a structural theory of monetary hegemony, drawing on network analysis, institutional political economy, and international relations to account for the enduring dominance of the US dollar despite escalating Sino–American rivalry. I contend that the dollar’s supremacy rests less on raw economic output or military strength than on three interlocking mechanisms: first, an asymmetric centrality within global payment and information architectures; second, a hierarchical position in a tiered monetary system defined by unequal capacities for liquidity creation and safe asset provision; and third, deep-seated institutional lock-in effects that impose prohibitive exit costs on would-be challengers.Crucially, the argument posits that the weaponization of finance is not merely a discretionary policy tool but an emergent feature of network topology. Consequently, China’s efforts to internationalize the renminbi face structural hurdles embedded in correspondent banking, messaging systems, and capital markets—barriers that mere economic expansion or bilateral swap lines cannot easily dismantle.By treating monetary hierarchies as both coordination mechanisms and instruments of geopolitical power, this analysis highlights the self-reinforcing dynamics that insulate incumbent currencies. This structural framework improves upon conventional hegemonic stability theory by showing how the financial architecture itself, rather than just the hegemon’s choices, generates coercive leverage and asymmetric vulnerability. The findings suggest that because power is micro-founded in these network structures, de-dollarization is unlikely to occur through a sudden rupture, but will instead be a slow, fragmented process where economic rise does not automatically translate into monetary influence.

Abstract: The discourse about technology transfer policy in the United States of America assumes the underlying political legitimacy of the federal government’s intervention. Little scholarship has directly challenged this presumption or extensively examined the philosophical basis for it. This paper re-envisions the concept of political legitimacy in the context of technology transfer policy. The analysis illuminates several problems and challenges regarding the traditional economics-based approach to political legitimacy. It subsequently applies the theory of social constructionism and the concept of morality tales to propose an alternative approach to the concept of political legitimacy. The paper argues that there is potentially a broader basis for asserting claims of political legitimacy for U.S. government interventions in technology transfer, there is likely a more expansive range of technology transfer problems with which the government can justifiably concern itself, as well as a more extensive range of possible solutions that policymakers can rightly consider for addressing those problems.

Abstract:

Cognitive warfare is often presented as a radically new threat born of social media platforms and artificial intelligence. This article places cognitive warfare in historical perspective, arguing that it represents the latest phase in a longer genealogy of practices designed to shape perceptions, emotions and decision-making in peace and war. Drawing on conceptual history and a comparative analysis of selected cases—from Second World War propaganda and Cold War psychological operations to post-2014 Russian information campaigns and COVID-19 disinformation—the study traces continuities and ruptures in the use of information as a strategic weapon. The article shows how enduring logics of persuasion, fear and identity politics have been repeatedly adapted to changing media ecologies, from radio and television to networked platforms and algorithmic targeting. At the same time, it highlights genuinely novel features introduced by datafication and AI-enabled content production, including scale, speed and personalization. The conclusion proposes a historically grounded definition of cognitive warfare and suggests that viewing it as part of a century-long transformation of the “battlefield of the mind” can help reframe current debates in security studies, international law and media history.

Abstract:

Never before has the role of the federal government in underwriting U.S. higher education been more visible than in the early months of the second Trump Administration. The Administration’s aggressive anti-“DEI” and anti-science attacks have exposed the reliance within higher education, especially among research institutions, on federal grantmaking infrastructure. We find that the Administration’s anti-DEI policy moves mark a decisive shift in the operation of (e)quality politics: away from stratifying advantage among elite institutions and toward a systematic project of political purification in higher education, driven by white racial resentment. By juxtaposing these racialized attacks with successful collective resistance to proposed federal research funding caps, we expose the asymmetry in how IHEs defend science but often abandon equity. Finally, we show that the Administration’s deliberately vague and coercive use of (e)quality politics fragments institutional solidarity and installs a racialized compliance regime. Bringing this theoretical model into conversation with present-day empirics allows us to not only parse the underlying, racialized ideology of these political moves but to surface political and practical insights for organized resistance.

Abstract:

This paper presents a fully articulated semi-presidential constitutional scheme (Scheme C) that embraces parliamentary fragmentation and minority governments as the new normal rather than pathologies requiring cure. Evolved from Schemes A and B, it strengthens prime-ministerial counterweights against the assembly. The scheme fuses (i) Westminster-style executive continuity and prime-ministerial dissolution initiative, (ii) French-style presidential authority in foreign and defence policy plus a robust legislative veto, (iii) synchronised presidential-legislative elections complemented by semi-mid-term legislative contests, and (iv) a game-based investiture rule paired with an innovative two-tier no-confidence procedure, both anchored in formal legislative confidence. Scheme C thereby achieves an unprecedented synthesis: more parliamentary than classic president-parliamentary or premier-presidential systems, more stable than Westminster models amid fragmented legislatures, and endowed with stronger mid-term democratic correctives than existing benchmarks. Its architecture simultaneously shields the prime minister from presidential overreach, the president from parliamentary extortion, and the state from governmental paralysis or authoritarian drift---even under unified political control of both branches. Scheme C is thus advanced not as theoretical speculation but as a coherent, stress-tested model ready for adoption in contemporary democracies facing persistent legislative fragmentation.