Abstract: The allocation of European Union (EU) funds for security and defense is central to solidarity among Member States. Yet, as geopolitical instability and hybrid threats continue to grow in the EU, concerns have emerged about whether the current distribution of EU funding adequately reflects the varying degrees of exposure among states. Taking this problematic in consideration, this article draws on the findings from the UDebDS project, which examines how funds are currently allocated and whether the states facing the highest security risks are receiving commensurate support. To achieve our goals we used a multidisciplinary, data-driven approach. That approach included the development of a comprehensive dataset and a set of measurable risk indicators (MRIs), capable of capturing vulnerabilities and deficits. Based on the MRIs, our research proposed an alternative model to support a more balanced and responsive EU funding. By doing so, we expect to inform ongoing policy discussion around equity and the future of shared defense investments in the Union. Further steps should build on the refinement of our model through sensitivity testing and a simulation-based studies to examine how alternative allocation models can influence the EU defense posture.

Abstract:

Traditional paradigms of nation-building and state-building have dominated political theory and international policy for decades, yet their explanatory and prescriptive power remains limited in postcolonial and conflict-affected contexts. Recurrent instability, institutional fragility, and governance failure are often interpreted as operational deficiencies, yet this article contends that the root cause is primarily epistemological. Existing frameworks fragment political life into discrete domains—institutions, identity, legitimacy—while remaining anchored in Westphalian assumptions that fail to capture the dynamic, adaptive nature of political communities. This article introduces Nationesis, a novel transdisciplinary science dedicated to the study of nations as living, adaptive systems whose persistence depends on regenerative processes rather than mere stabilization. Nationesis integrates insights from political theory, comparative constitutionalism, postcolonial scholarship, and systems science to provide a unified analytical framework encompassing institutions, collective meaning, historical memory, leadership intelligence, and legitimacy. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a paradigmatic case of systemic complexity, the article demonstrates why conventional paradigms systematically misread patterns of persistence, fragility, and renewal. The study concludes that the future of political order relies not on institutional replication alone but on a community’s capacity to regenerate meaning, legitimacy, and collective coherence under systemic strain. Nationesis thus offers a transformative lens for political theory, global constitutionalism, and the science of sustainable political communities.

Abstract: Traditional paradigms of nation-building and state-building have dominated political theory and international policy for decades, yet their explanatory and prescriptive power remains limited in postcolonial and conflict-affected contexts. Recurrent instability, institutional fragility, and governance failure are often interpreted as operational deficiencies, yet this article contends that the root cause is primarily epistemological. Existing frameworks fragment political life into discrete domains—institutions, identity, legitimacy—while remaining anchored in Westphalian assumptions that fail to capture the dynamic, adaptive nature of political communities.This article introduces Nationology, a novel transdisciplinary science dedicated to the study of nations as living, adaptive systems whose persistence depends on regenerative processes rather than mere stabilization. Nationology integrates insights from political theory, comparative constitutionalism, postcolonial scholarship, and systems science to provide a unified analytical framework encompassing institutions, collective meaning, historical memory, leadership intelligence, and legitimacy. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a paradigmatic case of systemic complexity, the article demonstrates why conventional paradigms systematically misread patterns of persistence, fragility, and renewal.The study concludes that the future of political order relies not on institutional replication alone but on a community’s capacity to regenerate meaning, legitimacy, and collective coherence under systemic strain. Nationology thus offers a transformative lens for political theory, global constitutionalism, and the science of sustainable political communities.

Abstract: This study explores how psychological traits such as internal locus of control and cognitive flexibility relate to well-being and political orientation among young Finnish adults. Drawing on data from 136 participants, we examined how value alignment, perceived ideological distance, and openness to diverse groups intersect with political identity. Contrary to common assumptions, more conservative participants showed greater openness to differing political views, lower value distance, and higher internal control. These traits, in turn, were positively associated with subjective well-being. Regression models confirmed internal locus of control and cognitive flexibility as key predictors of well-being, while political orientation was linked to both openness and perceived distance from ideological outgroups. These findings challenge simplistic associations between political orientation and rigidity, suggesting that ideological openness and psychological resilience may align differently across generational or cultural contexts. Rather than mapping cleanly onto left–right divisions, political identity appears embedded within broader patterns of agency, tolerance, and psychological strength.

Abstract: This article proposes a transformative framework for understanding nations not merely as political communities, but as emergent, intelligence-generating systems. Drawing on Nationesis, complexity theory, cognitive systems science, and political philosophy, it argues that the durability, legitimacy, and innovation capacity of nations depend on the interplay of cognitive, symbolic, and structural layers of collective intelligence. The article introduces national cognition as the meta-structure through which societies process information, resolve conflicts, generate social knowledge, and adapt to systemic crises. Using comparative insights from Japan, South Africa, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it demonstrates that nations with higher capacities for distributed cognition, narrative coherence, and symbolic integration are more resilient under extreme stress. By integrating theory, empirical evidence, and policy applications, this study establishes Nationesis as a predictive and normative science capable of guiding research and governance in postcolonial, fragile, and globally interconnected polities.

Abstract: We apply the mathematical framework of Painlev\'e monodromy manifolds and WKB asymptotic analysis to analyze structural dynamics of multipolar transitions, demonstrating both topological constraints and quantitative crisis prediction. The framework models major power configurations as Riemann surfaces with holes (stable centers) and bordered cusps (instability points), where confluence operations correspond to geopolitical transitions. Historical analysis reveals the interwar period (1918--1945) as a confluence cascade: PVI (post-Versailles multipolar order) $\to$ PV bifurcation (1930--1933) $\to$ P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ deceptive simplification (1933--1936) $\to$ P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ three-theater global war (1941--1945). The P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ path was most dangerous because apparent stability masked geometric necessity driving toward crisis multiplication. WKB analysis validates this structure: crisis frequency during both interwar and contemporary (2001--2024) periods follows predicted $f \propto 1/\sqrt{\Delta}$ scaling (with correlation factor $r = 0.89$ and $r = 0.74$ respectively), where $\Delta(t)$ measures the power gap between hegemon and challenger. The contemporary system (2024--2025) exhibits similar PV configuration. Quantitative projections indicate critical transition 2030--2033 when crisis frequency exceeds 2.5/year (terminal instability threshold), with collapse window 2032--2036 where systemic discontinuity becomes likely (probability $>$70\% based on interwar precedent). Three trajectories remain accessible: (1) PIII managed regional competition (geometrically stable but low probability 15--25\%), (2) P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ apparent simplification leading to P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ within 5--10 years (moderate-high probability 40--50\%), or (3) PIV immediate escalation (moderate probability 25--35\%). Policy implications: (1) pursue PIII sphere-of-influence arrangements during 2024--2030 window, (2) recognize P$_V^{\text{deg}}$ as unstable trap not strategic success, (3) prepare comprehensively for P$_{\text{II}}^{FN}$ three-theater crisis if cascade unavoidable, and (4) implement real-time monitoring of power gap $\Delta(t)$ and crisis frequency $f(t)$ with defined decision triggers. The framework provides quantitative early warning (6--10 years advance notice) unavailable in traditional geopolitical forecasting, enabling continuous validation and strategic adjustment.

Abstract: This paper consolidates our previous work and articulates Scheme C, a constitutional architecture designed to resolve deadlocks and instability in fragmented democracies by synthesising previous findings into a self-contained theoretical framework. The scheme's centrepiece is a game-based investiture rule that guarantees the appointment of a prime minister through a strategic nomination process, eliminating the risk of investiture-related collapse. Central to this system is also a bifurcated confidence structure -- assigning the prime minister either type I (majority) or type II (minority) status -- managed by a dynamic no-confidence mechanism. Stability is reinforced by a synchronised electoral rhythm and a Westminster-style dissolution mechanism that protects cohesive assemblies while resulting in contingent, quasi-midterm elections. To ensure continuity, a novel hybrid caretaker office bridges Westminster and Presidential traditions by automatically converting a departing prime minister into a tenure-secured, though authority-attenuated, caretaker. This "converted" logic is balanced by a presidential-style "acting" appointment mode for vacancies, ensuring administrative resilience throughout the electoral cycle. Ultimately, Scheme C provides a resilient architecture that ensures unyielding governmental functionality and rigorous legislative oversight regardless of the underlying electoral system or party landscape.

Abstract: Women's empowerment remains central to sustainable development, yet substantial disparities persist across Africa, with Nigeria ranking 99th of 114 countries on the Women's Empowerment Index—far below both global and Sub-Saharan African averages. This study applies machine learning to forecast empowerment trajectories and identify evidence-based pathways for Nigeria's SDG 5 progress. Using the 2022 Women's Empowerment Index dataset covering 114 countries, we integrate K-means clustering for peer group identification with linear regression modeling to quantify determinants of empowerment. Results demonstrate that gender parity indicators explain 70.5% of global variance in empowerment scores (r = 0.839, p < 0.001), establishing gender equality as a high-leverage development strategy. Comparative analysis with African peers—Rwanda, Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa—reveals that constitutional gender quotas, sustained educational investments, and comprehensive reforms significantly accelerate outcomes. Forecasting scenarios indicate Nigeria could improve its empowerment score by 8.7% by 2030, 25.9% by 2035, or 64.6% by 2040 under different policy approaches aligned with peer country achievements. These findings demonstrate that Nigeria's empowerment deficit is policy-responsive rather than structurally predetermined, offering policymakers actionable, time-bound benchmarks for accelerating SDG 5 achievement.

Abstract: This paper proposes a structural theory of monetary hegemony, drawing on network analysis, institutional political economy, and international relations to account for the enduring dominance of the US dollar despite escalating Sino–American rivalry. I contend that the dollar’s supremacy rests less on raw economic output or military strength than on three interlocking mechanisms: first, an asymmetric centrality within global payment and information architectures; second, a hierarchical position in a tiered monetary system defined by unequal capacities for liquidity creation and safe asset provision; and third, deep-seated institutional lock-in effects that impose prohibitive exit costs on would-be challengers.Crucially, the argument posits that the weaponization of finance is not merely a discretionary policy tool but an emergent feature of network topology. Consequently, China’s efforts to internationalize the renminbi face structural hurdles embedded in correspondent banking, messaging systems, and capital markets—barriers that mere economic expansion or bilateral swap lines cannot easily dismantle.By treating monetary hierarchies as both coordination mechanisms and instruments of geopolitical power, this analysis highlights the self-reinforcing dynamics that insulate incumbent currencies. This structural framework improves upon conventional hegemonic stability theory by showing how the financial architecture itself, rather than just the hegemon’s choices, generates coercive leverage and asymmetric vulnerability. The findings suggest that because power is micro-founded in these network structures, de-dollarization is unlikely to occur through a sudden rupture, but will instead be a slow, fragmented process where economic rise does not automatically translate into monetary influence.

Abstract: The discourse about technology transfer policy in the United States of America assumes the underlying political legitimacy of the federal government’s intervention. Little scholarship has directly challenged this presumption or extensively examined the philosophical basis for it. This paper re-envisions the concept of political legitimacy in the context of technology transfer policy. The analysis illuminates several problems and challenges regarding the traditional economics-based approach to political legitimacy. It subsequently applies the theory of social constructionism and the concept of morality tales to propose an alternative approach to the concept of political legitimacy. The paper argues that there is potentially a broader basis for asserting claims of political legitimacy for U.S. government interventions in technology transfer, there is likely a more expansive range of technology transfer problems with which the government can justifiably concern itself, as well as a more extensive range of possible solutions that policymakers can rightly consider for addressing those problems.

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Cognitive warfare is often presented as a radically new threat born of social media platforms and artificial intelligence. This article places cognitive warfare in historical perspective, arguing that it represents the latest phase in a longer genealogy of practices designed to shape perceptions, emotions and decision-making in peace and war. Drawing on conceptual history and a comparative analysis of selected cases—from Second World War propaganda and Cold War psychological operations to post-2014 Russian information campaigns and COVID-19 disinformation—the study traces continuities and ruptures in the use of information as a strategic weapon. The article shows how enduring logics of persuasion, fear and identity politics have been repeatedly adapted to changing media ecologies, from radio and television to networked platforms and algorithmic targeting. At the same time, it highlights genuinely novel features introduced by datafication and AI-enabled content production, including scale, speed and personalization. The conclusion proposes a historically grounded definition of cognitive warfare and suggests that viewing it as part of a century-long transformation of the “battlefield of the mind” can help reframe current debates in security studies, international law and media history.

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Never before has the role of the federal government in underwriting U.S. higher education been more visible than in the early months of the second Trump Administration. The Administration’s aggressive anti-“DEI” and anti-science attacks have exposed the reliance within higher education, especially among research institutions, on federal grantmaking infrastructure. We find that the Administration’s anti-DEI policy moves mark a decisive shift in the operation of (e)quality politics: away from stratifying advantage among elite institutions and toward a systematic project of political purification in higher education, driven by white racial resentment. By juxtaposing these racialized attacks with successful collective resistance to proposed federal research funding caps, we expose the asymmetry in how IHEs defend science but often abandon equity. Finally, we show that the Administration’s deliberately vague and coercive use of (e)quality politics fragments institutional solidarity and installs a racialized compliance regime. Bringing this theoretical model into conversation with present-day empirics allows us to not only parse the underlying, racialized ideology of these political moves but to surface political and practical insights for organized resistance.

Abstract:

This paper presents a fully articulated semi-presidential constitutional scheme (Scheme C) that embraces parliamentary fragmentation and minority governments as the new normal rather than pathologies requiring cure. Evolved from Schemes A and B, it strengthens prime-ministerial counterweights against the assembly. The scheme fuses (i) Westminster-style executive continuity and prime-ministerial dissolution initiative, (ii) French-style presidential authority in foreign and defence policy plus a robust legislative veto, (iii) synchronised presidential-legislative elections complemented by semi-mid-term legislative contests, and (iv) a game-based investiture rule paired with an innovative two-tier no-confidence procedure, both anchored in formal legislative confidence. Scheme C thereby achieves an unprecedented synthesis: more parliamentary than classic president-parliamentary or premier-presidential systems, more stable than Westminster models amid fragmented legislatures, and endowed with stronger mid-term democratic correctives than existing benchmarks. Its architecture simultaneously shields the prime minister from presidential overreach, the president from parliamentary extortion, and the state from governmental paralysis or authoritarian drift---even under unified political control of both branches. Scheme C is thus advanced not as theoretical speculation but as a coherent, stress-tested model ready for adoption in contemporary democracies facing persistent legislative fragmentation.

Abstract: When tightly-knit communities suddenly show electoral volatility, does it signal weakening group identity, or something else entirely? This question matters wherever cohesive groups vote as blocs: evangelical churches, immigrant enclaves, ethnic minorities, religious denominations. Conventional wisdom interprets such shifts as boundary erosion. This paper demonstrates the opposite.I exploit a natural experiment, Israel’s 2020 - 21 electoral crisis, to track voter transitions within ultra-Orthodox communities, where ethnically distinct subgroups (Ashkenazi and Sephardic) maintain near-total political separation despite shared religious practice. Using ecological inference on ballot-box data from five population centers across six elections (2019 - 2022), I document exceptionally high baseline party loyalty (90 - 95%), a dramatic disruption during the March 2020 – March 2021 transition when switching surged to 12 - 19%, and a return to high loyalty to the “new” party. a pattern that remained invisible in country-level aggregates and became detectable only through the ecological-inference framework applied here, and a return to high loyalty to the post-switch party..The synchronized switch of voting loyalty across geographically dispersed cities, occurring without residential mobility, suggests coordinated elite guidance rather than emerging voter independence. Paradoxically, mass switching demonstrates stronger, not weaker, institutional control.This finding exposes a methodological trap. Researchers sometimes use voting patterns as proxies for residential segregation, including in my own earlier work. When voters switched parties without moving, standard indices falsely registered political shifts as spatial integration, a confound that threatens any study that conflates demographic and political boundaries.The broader implication challenges how we interpret electoral behavior in cohesive communities worldwide: apparent volatility may signal disciplined coordination, and what looks like boundary erosion may actually reveal institutional strength operating through collective action.

Abstract: Conventional electoral theory posits that transparency enhances accountability by enabling voters to make informed, rational decisions. However, empirical evidence from diverse national contexts reveals a persistent disconnect: the disclosure of corruption frequently fails to precipitate significant electoral repercussions. This apparent paradox has led some scholars to posit voter irrationality. This paper challenges this interpretation, contending instead that the absence of electoral sanctions against corrupt politicians arises from the inherent complexities of strategic environments, characterized by information asymmetry and ambiguous signaling. We develop a formal model employing dynamic game theory to analyze the strategic interactions between politicians and voters who update their beliefs through Bayesian learning. Our model demonstrates that electoral accountability emerges incrementally, contingent upon sequences of credible signals across multiple electoral cycles. To mitigate the pervasive challenges of adverse selection and moral hazard, we propose the establishment of an independent Political Rating Agency (PRA). This agency would furnish credible, standardized, and readily interpretable information. The efficacy of such a PRA is critically contingent upon its perceived credibility and the electorate's propensity to integrate its ratings into their decision-making calculus.

Abstract: This study examines the AUKUS security partnership, established in September 2021, with a focus on public opinion and its relation to national policy in Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Using weekly Google Trends data from September 2021 to July 2025, the research identifies differences in public attention and the key drivers shaping perceptions of AUKUS. Australians emphasise costs and uncertainties; the British prioritise economic opportunities and diplomatic influence; and Americans focus on strategic considerations. China-related factors—particularly the perceived China Threat—play a central role in shaping public sentiment in Australia and the United States, whereas in the United Kingdom, a combination of China influence, employment concerns, and the Global Britain agenda drives attention. The study also considers policy implications, finding a strong alignment between public opinion and government policy across the three countries. While the core AUKUS narrative centres on the UK, the United Kingdom may also play a leading role in setting the policy agenda. These findings demonstrate the utility of time-series digital data for assessing public perceptions and offer a novel approach for understanding the interaction between public sentiment and foreign policy.

Abstract: This review examines the idea that systemic poverty is a deliberate and enduring instrument of economic and social enslavement; tracing its evolution from colonial exploitation to contemporary political class domination in Africa, with a specific focus on Nigeria. The study argues that poverty in Nigeria is not merely a consequence of mismanagement or underdevelopment but a structural tool used to maintain control, suppress resistance, and perpetuate dependency. Through historical and analytical exposition, it explores how colonialism institutionalised deprivation, by embedding extractive economic systems, hierarchical governance, and ideological subjugation. The review further discusses how postcolonial elites inherited and perfected these mechanisms, transforming political independence into a new form of internal colonisation, where poverty serves as political capital and control mechanism. The social and psychological consequences of this structure fragmentation, ethical erosion, youth disillusionment, and the feminisation of poverty are highlighted as barriers to collective progress. Finally, the paper proposes pathways toward liberation through consciousness reawakening, institutional reforms, economic diversification, and moral leadership. It concludes that the eradication of systemic poverty requires not charity but structural emancipation anchored in justice, productivity, and collective dignity.

Abstract: This study examines the relationship between natural resource rents and income inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The empirical analysis covers 24 countries over the period 1998-2020. Econometric estimations are conducted using both fixed and random effects models to account for country-specific and time-invariant factors. Using the Gini coefficient as a proxy for inequality, the results suggest that total natural resource rents do not have a statistically significant effect on income inequality in the region. In contrast, access to financial services and digital technologies appear to be more influential in reducing inequality. The findings highlight the potential importance of inclusive development policies, such as allocating resource wealth to social programs in education, healthcare, and infrastructure. Additionally, promoting economic diversification and strengthening governance institutions may support more effective management of natural resources. The observed negative and statistically significant associations between information and communication technology (ICT) and financial development with inequality indicate that investments in ICT infrastructure and measures to enhance financial inclusion could contribute to addressing income disparities in the region.

Abstract: This study investigates the gap between perceived and actual political orientation among Bangladeshi university students using the Political Compass framework. The research aimed to measure how accurately individuals understand their own positions along the economic (left–right) and social (libertarian–authoritarian) axes. A quantitative survey design was employed, collecting responses from 196 university students through a questionnaire that combined self-assessment items with the Political Compass test. Participants’ calculated positions were compared with their self-reported alignments to determine discrepancies. Results revealed that only 1.5% of respondents correctly identified their social orientation, and 2.6% accurately identified their economic orientation. The majority perceived themselves as more liberal or left-leaning than their calculated positions, with an overall mean misrepresentation of 7.07 units. Further independent t-tests also proved that there is a significant difference between the participants’ perceived position and calculated position on the political compass.

Abstract: Living Labs (LLs) are collaborative ecosystems designed to address complex social and environmental challenges through multi-stakeholder participation. The Collaboratory Catalunya project, launched by the Catalan government in 2019, aims to establish a re-gional digital LL by applying the LL methodology within an Internet-based innovation ecosystem. This study assesses the effectiveness, impact, and transformative potential of the project across Catalonia (Spain), based on surveys and semi-structured interviews with Quadruple Helix stakeholders. The results demonstrate positive outcomes in terms of cross-sector collaboration, the promotion of distributed Digital Social Innovation (DSI), and the acceleration of digital transformation within public and private organisations. Responsible DSI (RDSI) is exemplified by project which uses Information and Com-munication Technologies (ICTs) to address societal challenges while promoting inclu-sion, ethics, and public value. Moreover, it provides valuable insights into how regional and digital Living Labs can encourage innovation that is both systemic and responsible. It also highlights the role of public administration in encouraging co-creation and in-fluencing public policy.