In this paper I dig deep down along the slope of what touches me deeply – a democratic decline in climate politics with increasing use of hateful and threatening rhetoric – nasty rhetoric. I follow the course of critical researchers in management and organization studies, striving to move away from traditional, horizontal norms of academic writing that elision the author from the text, to-wards a more vertical writing incorporating the voice of the author. Embodying and resonating with my own emotional experiences of far-right hate and threat campaigns, I qualitatively analyze written, spoken and visual material from newspapers, magazines, blogs, podcasts, photos, vid-eos, television, radio and social media, to understand the nature of nasty rhetoric in Swedish climate politics, and the implications thereof for democracy. A far-right populist nativist party is currently holding tangible powers, dictating the ambitions, content and process of Swedish cli-mate politics. In less than two years, Swedish climate politics have turned into an antidemocratic divisive politics portraying climate science as “a point of view”, female climate journalists as “moron hags” that should be “fired” and “raped”, and the climate justice movement as “terror-ists” and “a threat to Swedish democracy” that should be “sent to prison” and “executed”. Nasty rhetoric is used not only by anonymous trolls in social media, but openly by the prime minister, cabinet ministers and parliamentarians. Their use of nasty rhetoric aims to silence the opponents to the current paradigm shift in Swedish climate policy, breaching democratic norms such as le-gitimacy, accountability and justice, but also to mobilize followers and expand they hate and threats. The opposition is also using nasty rhetoric, but of a less aggressive nature, to reveal far-right populist climate policy and politicians as a naked emperor. Nasty rhetoric is a powerful tactic to mobilize more offenders, while leaving its targets with fear and anxiety and a need for disappearance from public debate. Many targets resign or stay silent, negatively affecting plu-ralistic debates and the scrutiny of power in democracies. I chose to break the silence and write differently to increase our knowledge of the phenomenon of nasty rhetoric.

Amid the array of challenges prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, the policy response of governments proved vital. The U.S. states pursued varied policy approaches that demonstrated distinct divergences in impact. Particularly, contrasting state contexts produced markedly assorted frameworks for the delivery of public health services, which indicate potential effects for COVID-19 policy implementation. Using the rates of COVID-19 vaccinations as a measure of policy execution, the purpose of this study is to examine the political and administrative influences contributing to differences in COVID-19 public health policy outcomes among the U.S. states. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models included data sources of nationally representative information pertaining to state public health attributes of politics and administration during the height of the pandemic and vaccine campaign. The findings suggest that state political and fiscal orientations display significant associations with COVID-19 vaccination disparities, while other administrative indicators did not. The results signal important policy implications for the politics-administration dynamic within the COVID-19 pandemic and offer further understanding toward the roles of federalism and governance in future public health emergencies.

The endorsement from Christian circles in facilitating the rise of right-wing populism in Brazil, the United States, as well as the support and alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government, is widely acknowledged. Embedded within the intricate fabric of multifaceted factors contributing to the surge of right-wing populism, the Culture War assumes a pivotal yet often underestimated role. Manifesting as a profound confrontation, the Culture War signifies an existential clash between contrasting perspectives concerning socio-cultural values grounded in religious scripture. Progressive endeavors strive to deconstruct longstanding norms, advocating for the ascendancy of post-materialistic ideals, while conservative domains portray an unwavering commitment to safeguarding national and religious socio-cultural values as sacrosanct. Both factions employ moral-ethical justifications in their respective pursuits, rendering the landscape of cultural discourse a nuanced tapestry of ideological contention. The influence of Christian doctrine on the conflict surrounding social justice, and the potential convergence between Christian doctrine and the positions of Populist right-wing movements on social justice issues, is underscored. By employing a singular case study focused on Portugal, owing to the nation's enduring relationship with Catholicism spanning from Monarchical times to the Republic and the Fascist Catholic regime, Portugal emerges as indisputably one of the most religious countries in the Western world, akin to Poland. Consequently, in theory, the support of the Portuguese Catholic Church for the nascent Populist right-wing and Christian-oriented party should be evident amidst the Culture War conflict, wherein conservative religious Christian values face existential challenge. However, the backing extended to CHEGA by both the Catholic Church and the Portuguese Episcopal Conference assumes an ambivalent and markedly diminished stance, diverging from the previously robust support observed in established center-right mainstream parties such as the PSD and CDS. Despite this reality and the absence of official support for CHEGA, numerous Christian politicians or activists have expressed endorsement or alignment with the right-wing party, departing from their former affiliations, primarily due to social justice concerns.

Using measures for sustainable development and reducing the risk of disasters in order to protect the population, goods and the environment, is the duty of every state in the fight against the security challenges that disasters bring. Disaster risk reduction is a multidisciplinary policy designed to implement various measures to strengthen community resilience and preparedness for disasters. The region of Southeast Europe is recognized as extremely endangered by natural disasters. The countries of the region, especially their national risk management policies, continue to be based in part on solutions from earlier times. The subject of the research is focused on the analysis of disaster risk management policies in the countries of Southeast Europe, their comparison and review of similarities and differences. The countries of this region base their policies on similar solutions aimed at reducing the risk of disasters. There are shortcomings in the full implementation of the adopted international frameworks in the national risk management policies and normative-legal frameworks in certain countries of this region.

This book review essay looks at Tim Marshall’s “Prisoners of Geography” and its in-depth examination of the interplay between geography and international politics. The aim is to highlight the book's key themes, including geopolitics, borders, trade routes, geopolitical conflict and colonial legacies. Through insightful analysis and engaging text, Marshall uncovers the central role that geography plays in shaping our world. The book’s continuing relevance is underlined by its links to significant global events and the author’s forward-looking questions. By recognising the practical factors that influence decision-making, rather than the purely ideological, the book offers a fresh perspective on current political and economic turmoil. The examination of the influence of geography and the call for increased international cooperation makes it a valuable resource for students of geography and anyone interested in political geography and globalisation.

Fracking in the UK has yet to reach full industrial development but it is still subject to significant opposition. This study uses Beck’s Risk Society theory and anti-politics to examine the views voiced by opponents to fracking in Yorkshire, England. A qualitative approach was used; local newspaper reports were evaluated alongside semi-structured interviews with protesters to provide a thematic analysis. Although there are signs of post-materialist concerns with the environment these issues did not dominate the discussion. Scientists were not held responsible for the risks involved in fracking. Instead economic greediness of politicians and austerity measures were perceived as putting the environment and people’s health at risk. Interviewees thought fossil fuel energy production was economically advantaged over more sustainable energy and jobs in the low carbon economy. Protesters’ trust in politicians had been eroded but faith in democracy remained. It is suggested a citizen-led deliberative approach to all the concerns raised, not simply those relating to scientific risk, might achieve some level of resolution over fracking in the UK.

Drawing on contextualization literature, this paper seeks to evaluate the impact of contextual theology from a Latin American perspective. Bevans' (2002) Praxis Model of contextual theology sets the conceptual framework used to evaluate the evangelical response to the sociopolitical crisis in Nicaragua. The case study provides an example of how Bevans’ Praxis Model can be applied by looking at the manner with which the evangelical and the catholic church have responded to the sociopolitical upheaval in Nicaragua. The literature on contextualization highlights how theologizing is inextricably tied to culture, that contextual theology is necessary to effectively communicate the truth of the Gospel in varying cultural contexts, and that the issues of syncretism and the plurality of theologies can be effectively addressed.

This paper analyzes the political and economic changes in the world after the drastic changes in eastern Europe, starting with Chinese President Xi Jinping's viewpoint "the biggest change in a century". Also, the new international situation and new development in the post-epidemic as well as the development path and direction of China in the post-epidemicera are expected.

This paper examines the role of identity politics in the exclusion and statelessness of the Rohingya in Myanmar. Using an anthropological lens, the study explores how the Rohingya resist their marginalization through cultural practices and informal leadership within refugee camps in Bangladesh. The analysis, based on ethnographic fieldwork, draws on theories of homo sacer and cultural resistance to demonstrate how Myanmar’s exclusionary national identity has stripped the Rohingya of citizenship, exposing them to violence and displacement. Despite this, the Rohingya actively preserve their identity and assert political agency, offering a critical perspective on statelessness and resilience.

This article discusses the implementation of the Water Framework Directive (WFD) in the Netherlands and intends to show how law and politics combine in river basin management. Initially, the implementation of the WFD in the Netherlands was approached as a technical and administrative issue, handled by water quality and ecology experts, but in 2003 this approach was broken open by the agricultural sector, who were worried about stricter regulation. Subsequently, the environmental objectives of the WFD were set as low as possible and they are not used in authorising individual projects. Yet, in 2015 of the European Court of Justice determined that the environmental objectives have binding effect and that Member States have to refuse authorisation for projects that endanger the achievement of these objectives. In the future, the European Court of Justice and national courts may force the Dutch government to change its approach. They may only do so because and as long as they enjoy sufficient social and political support and function relatively independently. The article concludes that, to understand river basin management fully, one has to open up the black box of water law and become a kind of water lawyer.

The societies of Western Europe, following the territorial delimitation of the corresponding State, have gone through different historical processes of internal homogenization. After the Peace of Westphalia (1648) the application of the principle cuius regio eius religio induced the religious homogenization of the population. Then, due to the ethnic diversity of its population, the State tried to homogenize it from the cultural point of view; it was the process of nationalization and democratization of the State. This process lead to the separation of religion from politics and from culture. After the two world wars, national reconstruction needed a foreign population: this need for labor was filled in the most developed countries by population of the countries that were least (Portuguese, Spanish, Italian ...) and also by population flows coming from the old colonies. The cultural and religious homogeneity of these countries began to lose force. With the oil crisis of the 1970s, a period of major economic fluctuations began in Europe. In those years, the second generation of the population of immigrant origin began to go to a job market that was not in good health. The religion and culture of their predecessors became autonomous resources for the reconstruction of their identity and to achieve a personal and social esteem. This process is necessarily leading States to rethink the relations between politics, culture and religion.

The modern Historicism is plagued by its non-scientific appropriation – rightfully so, if we consider the genocidal proclivities that have defined the post-modern era to act on a perceived justification for the historical process, then the philosophy is little more than a falsely asserted and criminal interpretation made by taxonomists and romanticists. Yet, it should be noted that the study retains significant value in the discussion of Epochs, but its pertinence is represented in degrees of unknowable ideas and uncertainties. This article introduces two new, pragmatic constituent studies of Historicism such that it is reformed in the context of indeterminacy and an expected, non-processional characterization becomes forefront to the study.

Soon after the Conservative-led Coalition government came to power in 2010, Baroness Sayeeda Warsi announced that Islamophobia had passed the ‘dinner-table test’ in contemporary Britain. Resultantly, the need to address Islamophobia was identified as a priority for the Coalition. This article critically analyses how the Coalition sought to achieve this and the extent to which it was successful. Focusing on the period 2010-5, this article initially frames what is meant by Islamophobia before briefly setting out how it had been responded to by previous British governments. As regards the Coalition, a threefold approach is adopted that considers the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Islamophobia, the Cross-Government Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hate and the political discourses used by the Coalition about Muslims and Islam more generally. Concluding that the Coalition failed to meet the high expectations set by Warsi’s speech, this article considers why this might have been so.

In the contemporary era, the movement for women empowerment is not merely a social cause but a transformative force reshaping societies across the globe. The article "Breaking Barriers: Women Empowerment Transforming Societies in Modern Times Building a Better Future" delves into the multifaceted impact of empowering women, highlighting how it transcends individual upliftment and fosters widespread societal progress. It also delves into the transformative impact of women’s empowerment on societies, highlighting successful initiatives, case studies, and personal narratives that illustrate the journey towards gender parity. It examines the challenges and opportunities in this ongoing struggle, emphasizing the need for continued advocacy, education, and policy reform. By fostering an environment where women can thrive, societies can unlock unprecedented potential and build a better, more prosperous future for all. By examining key areas such as education, economic participation, political representation, and social inclusion, the article elucidates how empowering women leads to more equitable, prosperous, and resilient communities. It underscores the importance of dismantling historical and cultural barriers that have long hindered women's potential, while celebrating the strides made towards gender equality. Furthermore, the narrative showcases inspiring stories of women leaders, entrepreneurs, and change-makers who are spearheading efforts to build a better future for all. This exploration not only emphasizes the moral imperative of gender equality but also its critical role in driving sustainable development and global advancement.

Since the 1990s, the understanding of how and where politics is made has changed radically. Scholars such as Ulrich Beck and Maria Bakardjieva have discussed how political agency is enacted outside of conventional party organizations, and political struggles increasingly focus on single issues. Over the past two decades, this transformation of politics has become common knowledge, not only in academic research but also in the general political discourse. Recently, the proliferation of digital activism and the political use of social media is often understood to enforce these tendencies. This article analyzes the Pirate Party in relation to these theories, relying on almost 30 interviews with active Pirate Party members in Sweden, the UK, Germany, the USA, and Australia. The Pirate Party was initially formed in 2006, focusing on copyright, piracy, and digital privacy. Over the years, it has developed into a more general democracy movement, with an interest in a wider range of issues. This article analyses how the party’s initial focus on information politics and social media connects to a wider range of political issues and to other social movements, such as Arab Spring protests and Occupy Wall Street. Finally, it discusses how this challenges the understanding of information politics as a single issue agenda.

The article deals with human resource management and selected personnel indicators in sus-tainable development. The main goal of this paper is to analyse and describe human resource management focused on audit of workload, motivation of employees, the competence of staff, their knowledge and experience. The article shows how the selected personnel indicators are examined in selected establishments of multinational company in Slovakia, as an attractive em-ployer interested in growth of its employees, thus employer branding. For research methods, a case study methodology is used. Data collection was carried out through a questionnaire survey with employees in the company as well as an interview with sale advisors and managers. The research aimed to point out a case study of the investigation of selected personnel indicators in human resources management in a selected company and to examine the perception of the per-formance of employees in connection with their financial evaluation and their satisfaction in the selected company with an impact on employees´ performance. Furthermore, the research aimed to determine whether there was a dependence between the subjectively perceived performance of the employees and selected aspects. Further indicators were calculated, such as employment rate, proportion of wasted time and labour productivity.

This paper discusses the metonymic uses of the greek deictic adverbs εδώ [here] and εκεί [there] in the language of politics. The paper draws examples from political speeches which taken place in the Hellenic Parliament during 2011 and discussed the financial situation of Greece during that time. The paper discusses the multiple senses of these deictic adverbs and suggests that the temporal and spatial denotations of εδώ and εκεί are subject to image schemas. It is argued that the image schemas in which εδώ and εκεί are rooted have a metonymic basis. The paper also suggests that the spatio-temporal senses of εδώ and εκεί go beyond their deictic function due to their metonymic basis.

This study presents empirical evidence on the nature of the political struggles for inclusion on an oil palm land deal in Ghana. It examines the employment dynamics and the everyday politics of workers on an oil palm plantation in a predominantly migrant and settler society of the north-eastern part of Ghana, where large-scale production has only been introduced within the past decade. It shows that by the nature of labour organization, as well as other structural issues, workers do not benefit equally from the land deals and therefore express everyday forms of resistance against exploitation, and for better terms of incorporation. Particularly, they express agency through absenteeism and non-compliance, which especially, enables them to maintain their basic food sovereignty/security. Nonetheless, these everyday politics is not necessarily liberating in confronting the everyday peasant problems and unfavourable agrarian transitions associated with capitalist agriculture. Overall, this paper contributes to the land grab literature by providing context-specific dynamics of impacts and politics and how are they are shaped by a multiplicity of factors- beyond class.

This study contextualises the background of Japan’s “carbon neutrality and net-zero” (CNN) policy announced in October 2020, thereby identifying important changes in the country’s climate policy between 1990 and 2020. Using four research questions, four main findings were extracted from a narrative technique-based analysis of Japan’s policy documents related to CNN. The following are the findings: [i] the framing of climate change as a “climate crisis” by influential Japanese climate stakeholders was a key motivation for Japan to formally announce its CNN policy in October 2020, [ii] pressure from the international community and the political leadership of the Yoshihide Suga administration are essential factors that led the Japanese government to change its stance and announced this policy, [iii] Japan unintentionally delayed announcement of the policy until 2020 due to the concern among Japanese climate stakeholders about the problem of fairness in Kyoto Protocol’s emission reduction targets, and [iv] this delay was also due to Keidanren’s (or business sector) consistent opposition to the introduction of regulatory schemes. These results emerge for the first time in a study of Japan’s CNN politics, particularly in terms of the broader context of climate politics. Finally, we offer a possible explanation for Suga’s deliberate announcement of the CNN policy. This opens up space for future research to complement our study by providing important indicators on the trajectory of this important policy.

In the British setting, the deployment of the phrase ‘doing god’ has become increasingly common to refer to an emerging trend whereby religion has acquired an increasingly prominent role in political spaces and discourses. This was particularly prominent while David Cameron was Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party. While historically, religion has not had a prominent place in either the former Prime Minister David Cameron. Here, the findings from critical analyzing a series of Cameron’s public pronouncements about religion—and Christianity in particular—is set out to try and better understand his own adherence to Christianity (the personal) how this intersected with his politics and role as Prime Minister (the political), and more importantly how this shaped his views about Britain being a Christian country (the national). Contextualised within the embryonic scholarly literature relating to the phenomenon of ‘doing god’ in the contemporary British setting, this article concludes by considering alternative and analogous frames through which greater elucidation of the true motivations of his pronouncements might be understood.

This paper argues that popular misrepresentation of the nature of AI has important consequences concerning how it should be regulated. Viewing AI as something that exists in itself, rather than as a set of cognitive technologies whose characteristics – physical, cognitive, and systemic – are quite different from ours (and at times from each other) leads to inefficient approaches to regulation. It limits our ability to anticipate the consequences of its foreseeable developments and social diffusion. It undermines attempts to protect ourselves from the social and political dangers it presents. After a short introduction, section 2 retraces rapidly the history of the idea that intelligence is essentially a quality, one that AI shares with human intelligence and that this resemblance trumps the differences that exist between artificial and natural cognitive systems. Section 3 reviews two approaches to the dangers of AI that reflect the illusion that AI exists in itself. Section 4 turns to the proper understanding of regulations and what is their main goal and purpose. Section 5 analyses three central characteristics of artificial cognitive systems which section six compares with corresponding characteristics of natural cognitive systems. Finally, section 7 draws some conclusions regarding how we should regulate artificial intelligence.

The terms 'open' and 'openness' are widely used across the current higher education environment particularly in the areas of repository services and scholarly communications. Open-access licensing and open-source licensing are two prevalent manifestations of open culture within higher education research environments. As theoretical ideals, open-licensing models aim at openness and academic freedom. But operating as they do within the context of global neoliberalism, to what extent are these models constructed by, sustained by, and co-opted by neoliberalism? In this paper, we interrogate the use of open-licensing within scholarly communications and within the larger societal context of neoliberalism. Through synthesis of various sources, we will examine how open access licensing models have been constrained by neoliberal or otherwise corporate agendas, how open access and open scholarship have been reframed within discourses of compliance, how open-source software models and software are co-opted by politico-economic forces, and how the language of 'openness' is widely misused in higher education and repository services circles to drive agendas that run counter to actually increasing openness. We will finish by suggesting ways to resist this trend and use open-licensing models to resist neoliberal agendas in open scholarship.

EU politics on decarbonizing shipping is an argumentative struggle in which actors try to make others see the problem and policy solutions according to their views and seek to position other actors in a specific way. This article critically analyses, by means of argumentative discourse analysis, the politics and policy process related to the recent adoption of the FuelEU Maritime regulation, the world’s most ambitious legislation for decarbonizing maritime shipping. Different storylines and discourses as well as agency of policy actors on the problems and policy options defining the meaning of decarbonization are analysed. Two discourses framed the debates, focusing on (i) incremental change and technology neutrality to meet moderate emission reductions and maintain competitiveness, and (ii) transformative change and technology specificity to meet zero emissions and gain competitiveness and global leadership in the transition towards a hydrogen economy. Policy actors successfully used discursive agency strategies such as multiple functionality and vagueness to navigate between and resolve conflicts between the two discourses. Both discourses are associated with the overarching ecological modernization discourse and failed to include issue of a just transition. The heritage of the ecological modernization discourse creates lock-ins for a broader decarbonization discourse, thus stalling a just transition.

Aaron Copland’s only full-length opera, The Tender Land has had a difficult production history. Critics of the 1954 New York City Opera Premiere bemoaned the atypical storyline, the music declared too dry, and the singing too sparse. The opera’s failure to dazzle initial audiences is likely because it was originally written for television. Copland was commissioned to write this opera for television in 1952, but was rejected by NBC in 1953, with no official explanation given as to why. The New York City Opera premiere, therefore, was not an accurate representation of Aaron Copland's vision. The opera eventually did find receptive audiences, each success marked by a smaller, more intimate venue, not unlike the intimacy afforded on a sound stage. Perhaps most notable of these was the touring 1993 University of Minnesota production that performed in barns and farmhouses throughout the Midwest. Through this tour, the opera reached a rural community mirrored in the story, providing much more opportunity for the audience to connect to the characters. However, the question remains what caused NBC to initially reject the opera. This paper exposes the likely political obstacles that prevented Copland’s opera from premiering in its intended medium, and the subsequent consequences of displacing The Tender Land from its television premiere.

The WORLD3 world model, which served as the basis for The Club of Rome report The Limits to Growth (1972), was criticized, among other things, for not being able to simulate social interactions. In order to remedy this shortcoming, a research group led by Karl Deutsch at the Berlin Science Center developed a far more comprehensive model between 1979 and 1988 entitled GLOBUS, which was supposed to be able to include political developments in the calculation. This article aims to explain the hopes that were attached to the creation of a further world model and the means by which attempts were made to assert its results. To this end, three genealogical lines of the model -I. as part of the world modeling community, II. as part of quantitative international relations research, III. as part of Karl Deutsch's cybernetic-political science research- will be presented. The data basis and the functioning of GLOBUS are then described. Finally, section VI is devoted to the research group's efforts to make the model "effective".

The rapidly expanding corona pandemic in 2020 brought the world to virtual economic stagna-tion. While the impact on the environment from suspended air traffic, idle industry and economic lockdown has been considerable, so have the economic and social consequences of the crisis. To make matters worse, the resulting state of stagnation is neither economically nor socially sustaina-ble. Nevertheless, we need to ask ourselves what we can learn from the situation in order to ex-plore the benefits of globalization, intercept similar crisis situations more effectively in the future and move towards more sustainable development on an ecological, economic and social level. This paper identifies the areas of expanded externality management needed to further improve environmental quality, digitalization, network expansion and basic income. These central issues need to be addressed both during and after the crisis in order to deal with problems of inequality and climate change mitigation for current and future generations. Concrete concepts will be put forward and discussed in the paper.

A cursory look at Indian prime time news tells us much about the tone and tenor of the people associated with it. Exaggerations, hyperbole, and tempers run wild and news anchors flail in theatrical rage. News channels and news editors display their ideological affiliations subliminally. These affiliations — a factor of personal political stance, funding bodies, and investors — lead to partisan bias in the framing of news and, in some cases, can easily translate into racial prejudice. In this paper, I examine news coverage related to Muslims in India. I study the coverage of two issues specifically– love jihad and triple talaq –in prime time English news of two channels – Times Now and Republic TV. My analysis of the content, tone, and tenor of their coverage shows that these channels propagate associations between Islam and backwardness, ignorance and violence through consistent employment of the following tropes – ‘Muslim women need to be saved from Muslim men’, ‘Hindu women need to be saved from Muslim men’, and ‘Muslims are not fully Indian – they are anti-national’. I place this study of news media within the current political climate in India and briefly touch on the conversations it guides and provokes. This is also a call for further analysis on this subject to examine and evaluate how discourse manipulates public conversations and policy decisions.

This study examined the effect of the media usage environment, particularly TV and mobile devices, on advertisement acceptance, lifestyle, and psychological satisfaction. Hypothesis pathways and comparative structural mediating effects were analyzed. Media and Consumer Research public data were used for empirical analysis. A total of 6,640 people who participated in sports activities were included in the study. The results demonstrated that TV and mobile device usage environments had similar effects on advertisement acceptance. While TV did not influence the pursuit of personal life, mobile device use environments affected the pursuit of personal life. Mobile device use environments had a greater effect on individual psychological satisfaction than TV. Adoption had a mediating effect on the influence of media usage environments on the pursuit of personal life. The pursuit of a personal life had a significant mediating effect on the influence of media use environments on psychological stability. This study revealed no differences in the effects of new and traditional media on advertisement acceptance, while new media had a greater influence on lifestyle and psychological satisfaction.

How much is religion quantitatively involved in global climate politics? After assessing the role of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change from a normative perspective, this descriptive, transdisciplinary and unconventional study offers the first comprehensive quantitative examination of religious nongovernmental organizations that formally participate in its annual meetings, the largest attempts to solve the climate crisis through global governance. This study finds that although their numbers are growing, only about 3 percent of registered nongovernmental organizations accredited to participate in the conference are overtly religious in nature — and that more than 80 percent of those faith-based groups are Christian. Additionally, this study finds that religious nongovernmental organizations that participate in the conference are mostly from the Global North. The results call for greater participation of religious institutions in the international climate negotiations in order for society to address the planetary emergency of climate change.