During the last twenty years around the world there has been a rapid increase in the number of people visiting long established religious shrines as well as the creation of new sites by those operating outside the boundaries of institutional religion. This increase is intimately associated with the revival of traditional routes, the creation of new ones and the invention of new rituals (religious, spiritual and secular). To examine this process I will focus on the European region and two contrasting destinations in particular – the Catholic shrine of Lourdes, France, and the pre-Christian shrine of Avebury, England – drawing on my personal involvement in travelling to both destinations and being involved in ritual activities along the route and at the two destinations. In the discussion section of the paper I will explore the relevance of these two case studies to the analysis of power, agency and performance and the ways in which they expose (a) the role of institutions and entrepreneurs in creating rituals and sacred places and (b) the relationship between people and the domesticated landscape.

Incense is essential in religious ceremonies, even in relatively new religious movements such as New Age and Neopaganism. These garner little attention from ethnobotanists, although they trigger an international trade in wild-harvested plants. In this paper, we studied the botanical ingredients of smudge sticks (dried plant bundles burned for purification) in the Netherlands, and people’s motivations to use them posing the following questions: what plant species are included in smudge sticks? what are they used for? and are exotic plants preferred over native Dutch plant species? We visited online and physical shops in Dutch cities, acquiring a total of 29 different smudge sticks containing at least 15 species. We held semi-structured interviews with 11 users, vendors, and herbal experts, and collected data from 33 questionnaires. Salvia apiana L. was most frequently found, along with North American species of the genus Artemisia. The rise of the New Age movement resulted in North American ritual plant species being easily available in (online) shops and it being used for personal protection and cleansing. Despite its commercial demand there is no data regarding the pressure on wild populations, therefore, we call for the need to monitor the harvesting of these species in the wild.

The present investigation is focused on the forecasting visual observation of the impact of anthropogenic activity on the pilgrimage places located along the coastal environments in Tamil Nadu, India. Devotees performing the unregulated ritual ceremonies, open defecation, waste materials dumping and local municipality discharging wastewater contamination levels were assessed from direct visual surveillance, and by taking photographs and baseline information collected from five different pilgrimage sites. Results showed that ritual ceremonies, wastewater discharges and debris highly contaminated site-III, and found open defecation at site-I. The lack of coastal regulation, pollution awareness, insufficient sanitation facilities and failure to control the commercial and recreational activities have major deleterious effects on the present and future environments of the coastal areas. This is the first attempt conducted by visual assessment of the coastal pollution in pilgrimage places. The results immensely support the recommendation for proper regulation of ritual activities, arrangement of basic sanitation facilities and prohibition of wastewater discharges to prevent waterborne diseases as well as to strictly follow the regional and national level of coastal regulation policy to protect the biological resources of the Gulf of Mannar marine ecosystems.

While the history of Lough Derg is extremely well-documented, there have been com-paratively fewer ethnographic reports. Given the highly elaborate Lough Derg websites and multiple postings by Lough Derg pilgrims, this researcher anticipated that Lough Derg – like many other Irish pilgrimages - would attract mostly recreational tourists. It does not. Pilgrims to Lough Derg do not see the site as primarily a tourist destination. Instead, they see Lough Derg primarily as a locus of intense religious experience. Lough Derg 3-day pilgrimages are rigorous and entail considerable self-sacrifice: fasting, sleep deprivation, cold, bare feet, prayer, no cell phones, and exposure to jagged rocks. Lough Derg’s 3-day pilgrimages closely follow patterns established centuries ago. Lough Derg is both "modern" and "timeless." It selectively incorporates ancient ritual and 21st century technology. This paper looks at the impact of the covid19 epidemic on Lough Derg pilgrimages. The site was closed to pilgrims during the 2020-2021 season and an on-line virtual pilgrimage was offered as a substitute. One unintended consequence of this virtual pilgrimage is that many pilgrims to Lough Derg now give greater prominence to what Corin Braga has categorized as fisi (ecstatic revelations) than to the physical journey itself (i e. somanodias). Post-covid pilgrims highlight the Internet: production of virtual texts and Internet vlogs. As in most pilgrimages worldwide, contemporary pilgrims to Lough Derg arrive with varied expec-tations and myriad motives. This ethnographic report examines these motives and offers a critique of James L. Smith (2016), who, like Edith and Victor Turner (1978) before him – saw Lough Derg as a symbol of Irish nationalism. Smith highlighted Lough Derg’s “moral geography” which, he argued, stems from its long history of isolation. But Post- covid Lough Derg is no longer isolated. The site has become more accessible through organized bus tours, improved public transportation, and development of a commercial tourist infrastructure.