Voyeurisms and Destructions: Women’s Imagination of Gender and Sexuality in Pre-Democratic and Democratic South Africa

1. Introduction

To what extent might a critical reflection contribute to knowledge production in the fields of gender, sexuality, and race? This paper highlights how the bodies of black women are represented through a pattern of “hyper visibility” (Gqola, 2007, p. 45) and how they have been intensely vulnerable to surveillance while simultaneously being ‘invisibilised’ in the face of systemic violence. The anticipation of imperialists possessing a ‘dangerous’ fascination with the pre-colonial bodies and sexualities of these women underscores a complex historical narrative. Magubane (2001) illustrates how colonial medical, literary, and scientific discourses constructed images of racial and sexual difference, contributing to the inferiorisation of native women linked to the control and transformation of tribal life. The obliteration of gynocracies catalysed the destruction of communities through famine, disease, and disorder across social, spiritual, and economic structures (Maese-Cohen, 2010; Oyewumi, 1997).

Subsequently, it is essential to consider alternative hypotheses regarding contemporary dynamics. An argument can be made that some young men may exploit the erosion of traditional African norms to take advantage of young women. In this context, when the societal expectation of female chastity deteriorates, it creates an environment where all women may become vulnerable to exploitation or shaming, particularly if they attempt to adhere to norms that are no longer upheld. While these perspectives might seem distally related to colonialism, patriarchy, and male dominance, they appear more proximate to contemporary breakdowns in social norms. Black women’s sexualities and bodies have been subjected to the negative gaze of European imperialists; thus, with imperial intervention came the need to police these so-called “rampant sexualities” (Levine, 2006, p. 142). Lugones (2008) reveals how colonial intrusion thrived by segregating women from the newly formed colonial public sphere. Adhering to Victorian norms and values, African women’s contributions were relegated to domestic roles as caretakers of the household and children, while men assumed masculinised responsibilities in politics and the economy (Arnfred, 2004; Lugones, 2008; Oyewumi, 1997). By being categorised as women according to Western standards, they became ineligible for leadership roles, thereby subordinated to men based on their anatomy (Lugones, 2008). The transformation of state power into male-gender power resulted in the marginalisation of women from state-created structures, contrasting sharply with the Yoruba state organisation, where power was not contingent upon gender but rather on seniority (Oyewumi, 1997).

Additionally, Shefer and Ratele (2011) highlight how intimate relations in post-apartheid South Africa reflect the legacy of sex laws that governed sexualities and penalised transgressions among interracial couples. They argue that these relations continue to be influenced by prevailing notions of racism. Bhana and Pattman (2009) provide insights into the reproduction of colonial sex laws in contemporary South Africa through their examination of learners aged 16-17 in various schools—formerly white, black township, and formerly Indian—in the Durban area. Their findings demonstrate that race plays a central role in young people’s constructions of intimate relations and desirability, framed within discourses of ‘us’ and ‘them’ that mirror the apartheid discourse on prohibited interracial relationships rooted in racist, inferiorising, and pathologising ideologies. Shefer and Ratele (2011) characterise the apartheid administrators’ segregation laws as bodily divides, a concept reflected in contemporary notions of sexual desirability among youth. Despite ongoing transgressions of these laws, their legacy “put the lid of desire in the other” (p. 195) by criminalising and pathologising it.

Moreover, concerning the history of visual representation, Lewis (2005) asserts that “black women’s bodies have often been the subject of voyeuristic consumption, the consumption not only of black women’s sexuality, but also of black women’s trauma and pain” (p. 15). Abrahams (1997) further argues that travel writers shaped European perceptions of Africa and justified colonisation, intensifying the imperialists’ sexual obsession with black pre-colonial bodies. This dynamic is vividly illustrated by the travels of writers such as Thuneberg and Spaarman in the late 1770s, who devoted extensive pages to describing Khoisan women’s elongated clitoris to ascertain whether it stemmed from natural or cultural influences. Following this, a fascination with Khoisan women’s bodies, particularly their buttocks, emerged among white travellers in Southern Africa (Abrahams, 1997). This complex interplay of sexual politics, representation, and colonial dynamics underscores the ongoing ramifications for black women and their bodies in both historical and contemporary contexts.

2. Theoretical Underpinning: Exploring Through African feminist and Decolonial Lenses

This study critically engages with the voices of women, aiming to shed light on their ongoing challenges within a historical context while acknowledging the complexities of their experiences as colonial subjects. Drawing inspiration from Bosch and Holland-Muter (2012), who advocate for a feminist action research methodology, I emphasise the necessity to decenter the interpretive authority traditionally held by academic researchers. This approach allows for the creation of polyvocal texts that enable the researched subjects to articulate their own perspectives, fostering a richer and more nuanced understanding of their realities. Tamale (2011) reinforces this notion, asserting that feminist theoretical frameworks actively deconstruct and challenge the entrenched colonial narrative of the researcher as an all-knowing authority. Central to this inquiry is the premise that centering the voices and experiences of oppressed subjects is foundational to feminist research and praxis (Kiguwa, 2019). This perspective is particularly relevant given the historical subjugation of black women’s bodies and experiences, as outlined in the introduction, which highlights their representation through lenses of hypervisibility and invisibility in the context of systemic violence. However, it is crucial to recognise that the emergence of ‘new methods’ in feminist research does not guarantee more ‘valid’ forms of inquiry. Instead, these methods provoke critical discourse on issues of voice and reflexivity, emphasising the importance of nurturing reciprocal relationships to facilitate empowering knowledge production (Bennet & Perreira, 2013). In alignment with these perspectives, I resonate with Gordon’s assertion (s.a., cited in Reinharz & Davidman, 1992) that amplifying our experiences within the research process is essential to dismantling the historical silencing of women researchers. In doing so, this work contributes to breaking the silence perpetuated by colonialist research ideologies. Hesse-Biber (2006) emphasises that feminist research plays a pivotal role in empowering women by challenging gender biases, particularly in various South African contexts, while illuminating narratives surrounding African women’s sexuality. Kiguwa (2019) identifies a critical aspect of feminist knowledge production relevant to this study: the need to unsettle the apolitical interpretations of gender and sexuality that treat them as neutral variables devoid of the social and political histories shaping them. This aligns with Fraser’s understanding (2004) that conducting narrative feminist research involves connecting the personal to the political, acknowledging the broader social issues at play without hyper-individualising or vilifying those experiencing them. Thus, this theoretical underpinning not only critiques existing frameworks but also aligns with the introduction’s exploration of historical and contemporary dynamics affecting black women, emphasising the urgency of re-centring their voices within this discourse. Magubane (2001) illustrates how colonial medical, literary, and scientific discourses constructed images of racial and sexual difference, contributing to the inferiorisation of native women linked to the control and transformation of tribal life. The obliteration of gynocracies catalysed the destruction of communities through famine, disease, and disorder across social, spiritual, and economic structures (Maese-Cohen, 2010; Oyewumi, 1997).

3. Research Methodology

3.1. Geography and social characteristics of Mpumalanga Province

The study was conducted in Mpumalanga Province, and here I provide a brief outline of its social characteristics. Mpumalanga is in the north-east of South Africa, bordering Mozambique and Swaziland to the east, KwaZulu-Natal and Free State provinces in the south, Gauteng in the west, and Limpopo in the north. Mpumalanga’s percentage share of the national population of 51.8 million was 7.8 percent, or 4.04 million in 2011, making it the sixth most densely populated province in South Africa (StatsSA, 2019).

The province has slightly more women than men. The projected provincial GDP growth rate of 3.5 per cent for the period from 2021 (at the time of the completion of the study) to 2026 remains slightly below the national growth forecast of 3.6 per cent. South Africa continues to grapple with significant income inequality, maintaining its position as one of the most unequal societies globally, according to the UN Gini coefficient (AIDC, 2023). Women, particularly those living in rural and non-urban areas, continue to experience heightened levels of poverty (South African Ministry of Women, 2023). As of 2026, Mpumalanga remains one of the provinces with the highest levels of income inequality, reflecting ongoing systemic challenges from previous years. The poverty gap has expanded, rising from R4.5 billion in 2010 to R4.6 billion in 2011, and by 2026, further assessments indicate that this gap has not significantly narrowed. Recent data reveal that as of January 2026, the number of social assistance grant recipients in Mpumalanga increased to approximately 1.5 million, representing around 9.2 per cent of the total national grant recipients (AIDC, 2023). This persistent widening of the poverty gap, especially among women, raises serious concerns about the infringement of their human rights, particularly in accessing basic bodily needs (Schlyter, 2023). The lack of substantial progress suggests enduring social challenges that continue to disproportionately impact vulnerable populations.

The objective of this study was to explore and depict the beliefs, values, and attitudes that shape the behaviours of the Nkomazi district social group located in Mpumalanga. My position in this study was to learn about women’s conceptualisations of sexual expression within patriarchal contexts and the transition of women’s sexuality from colonial and apartheid South Africa to present-day South Africa, particularly in Mpumalanga. The conceptualisation of sexual expression serves as an example of a multi-layered social activity shaped by the beliefs, attitudes, and experiences of the Nkomazi community. Rather than imposing a definition of sexual expression from existing literature, the purpose of this study was to understand how Nkomazi women and the community comprehend and articulate their experiences of sexuality and sexual expression. By employing narrative inquiry, I examined the women’s stories through probing questions, which are crucial for understanding participants’ subjective worlds (Wang & Geale, 2005). My focus was on the type of narratives the women shared, how they presented these stories, and why they chose to narrate particular experiences, especially those related to girlhood and their transitions into young brides. I also considered how elderly women are socialised into specific social classes and how they adapt to changing circumstances (Gilbert, 2008).

Sampling

I utilised purposive sampling based on my knowledge of the population and the nature of the research objectives. This approach proved advantageous as I had previously worked with the women during my master’s research, allowing for the confidence needed to explore perceptions about sexuality. Many of these women encouraged peers to participate, facilitating a richer data set. I handpicked the participants who had the knowledge or experiences relevant to answering the research questions concerning their experiences of apartheid, gender, sex, and sexual expression.

4. Data Collection

Data were collected through unstructured interviews (also referred to as open-ended or narrative interviews) with five older women aged 49 and above and five young women aged 24 and above. Unstructured interviews closely resemble naturally occurring conversations, making them ideal for this research study (Davies, 2003; Kelly, 2006). Hence, open-ended questions were phrased to allow participants the freedom to ‘voice’ their experiences without being restricted by predetermined questions. The flexible structure of the interviews permits the discussion of topics in the order most comfortable for the women, aiming to provide them with an opportunity to recount their pivotal and meaningful experiences without compartmentalisation. This approach aligns with qualitative research’s emphasis on understanding experiences within their specific contexts, enriching the analysis of the intersecting factors shaping women’s roles in sexuality and expression.

5. Data Analysis

5.1. Interviews

In this part of data collection, I employed unstructured interviews (also referred to as open-ended or narrative interviews) with ten older women aged 49 and above. Davies (2003) and Kelly (2006) explain that unstructured interviews are very close to a naturally occurring conversation, making them ideal for this research study. For this reason, open-ended questions were phrased to allow participants the freedom to ‘voice’ their experiences without being restricted by predetermined questions. The structure of the interviews was flexible enough to permit topics to be covered in the order most suited to the women. The open-ended nature of the research questions aimed to provide the women with an opportunity to recount their pivotal and meaningful experiences without being compartmentalised into homogenous categories (Patton, 1990; Babbie, 2011). This was aimed at capturing the elderly women’s representations of their experiences of gender, sexuality, and tradition. For example, “Please tell me about some of your experiences as a young girl journeying into womanhood”, followed by probes. During the interviews, the elderly women offered in-depth representations of both personal experiences and those based on their observations. I also used follow-up questions in the interviews to obtain a deeper and fuller understanding of the older women’s perceptions and experiences of womanhood and sexual expression (Legard, Keegan, & Ward, 2003). To capture the meaning of what I observed, the conversations were audio-recorded with prior permission from the participants. The interviews were conducted in isiZulu (one of South Africa’s 12 official languages), as most participants understand it. The interviews were transcribed in isiZulu and then translated into English. For some of the words and idioms, I had to use direct translations. Some of the words, when translated into isiZulu, were at times received as vulgar and inappropriate to question elders. However, every question I posed to the elders was executed with the utmost respect, while also emphasising that the main reason for my presence in the community was to learn from them and to understand their perceptions of their environment.

Focus Group Discussions

I employed an interview guide with seven open-ended questions to facilitate focus group discussions among women, enabling exploration and probing within a structured framework. While some may argue that the discussions lacked a natural setting due to the pre-prepared questions, I endeavoured to maintain an appearance of spontaneity, leveraging the selection of participants based on the desired insights (Freitas et al., 1998).My recruitment aimed to reach 20 women, including both young (aged 18-34) and older participants (49 and above). This intergenerational approach was strategic, enabling examination of how structural factors shape personal narratives and of the changing perceptions of elderly women regarding their experiences in pre- and post-apartheid South Africa. As Frith (2000) and Hollander (2004) affirm, focus groups facilitate discussion of under-researched topics, while Kitzinger (1994) suggests that anonymity among strangers may promote more candid dialogue. The central goal of these focus group discussions was to garner insights into women’s perceptions of sexual expression. I organised the questions according to Krueger’s (1994) framework, initiating with opening questions to encourage participation and draw out common views. The dialogue progressed through introductory questions and transition inquiries, culminating in key questions pertinent to the research, such as exploring cultural beliefs about women’s bodies and their gendered experiences in a democratic context. Moreover, informed by Chege’s (2011) guidelines on feminist questioning, I sought to address critical aspects of women’s oppression and pathways for empowerment.

Scanning Across Different Domains of Experience

The decolonial framework and African feminism(s) emphasise the importance of transcending a singular dimension of life and rejecting (hyper-)individualism. This is achieved by analysing women’s narratives across various life domains (McCabe & Bliss, 2003; Segal, 1999, as cited in Fraser, 2004). The examination of women’s personal stories reveals intrapersonal, interpersonal, cultural, and structural dimensions, highlighting the intersectionality of their experiences. Intrapersonal narratives pertain to intra-body-mind experiences (Simon, 1996, in Fraser, 2004). Furthermore, dominant discourses significantly shape women’s self-perceptions and bodily understandings, influenced by class, gender, ethnicity, and other social constructs (Mullaly, 2002, in Fraser, 2004).

5.4. Linking the Personal with the Political

For decades, feminists have highlighted the crucial need to ‘link the personal with the political’ (Fraser, 2004). Central to this study is the exploration of women’s lived experiences as they navigate various dominant discourses, forming an interpretative framework (Fraser, 2004). This analysis reveals how women contextualise political dynamics within their personal lives and offers insight into the multifaceted experiences influenced by class, gender, race, sexuality, ethnicity, age, and geographical location in both pre-democratic and democratic South Africa. Therefore, the plurality of African women’s situations (Sheeba, 2013) emerges as a defining characteristic of African feminism(s).

Looking for Commonalities and Differences Among Participants

In this phase, I examined the transcripts to identify commonalities and differences among the women. This comparison mirrored the analysis of individual narratives by evaluating content, style, and tone while recognising each woman’s unique story. Participants’ stories were categorised under thematic headings, allowing for a focused discussion. Notably, I shortlisted narratives that: (1) illustrated interactions with dominant contemporary discourses surrounding women’s sexual bodies and behaviors; (2) demonstrated the reproduction and transgression of patriarchal sociocultural sex scripts; and (3) connected young women’s debut romantic relationships with themes of abuse, sexual coercion, and fears of early pregnancies. These elements are vital for understanding women’s social roles within their local contexts, and historical considerations regarding specific social conventions faced by women were also integrated into the analysis (Fraser, 2004).

5.5. Findings

This section critically examines the discourse of ‘then’ versus ‘now’ through the diverse experiences of former youth and contemporary elderly women, shedding light on how their narratives have evolved as they navigate South Africa’s shifting socio-political landscape. These women interpret socio-political changes through the lens of gendered experiences that encompass race, sex, sexuality, class, apartheid, democracy, and tradition. It is essential to consider alternative hypotheses; for instance, the loss of traditional norms, coupled with the emergence of new socio-cultural dynamics, may elucidate the victimisation of women, suggesting that the issue is far more multilayered than one-dimensional. This nuanced perspective enhances our understanding of elderly women’s experiences as they reflect on the growing disjuncture between their lives and those of young women today.

5.6. Trekking Through Time

Elderly women embark on a retrospective journey to interpret the radical changes within their socio-political contexts, often perceiving a detrimental impact of modernity on traditional mores and values. The observations made by Qiniso regarding the behaviours of modern older males, particularly their inappropriate gaze towards young girls, serve as a compelling case study of this troubling phenomenon. As she articulates, “A modern older man will tell a 15-year-old child that he loves her. He wants to show a small child grey pubic hair. He does not want to hide them and respect himself. In the past, such things were not there.” This stark juxtaposition underscores a significant transition from enforceable normative laws that previously circumscribed inappropriate behaviours to a contemporary socio-cultural complacency that permits blurred boundaries between elders and youth. Such a narrative compels us to scrutinise the relationship between democratisation and the disintegration of protective norms for women, revealing how social shifts may exacerbate gender dynamics, creating vulnerabilities rather than safeguards. Similarly, Miriam’s narrative illustrates a profound alteration in male behaviour as younger generations engage with older males in public spaces, revealing a troubling tendency toward sexual objectification. She recounts a disconcerting experience involving her great-granddaughter, stating, “One came to me at home about Laticia... he said to me, ‘Give me this child, I will teach [sex] her for myself.’” This statement prompts a critical examination of the implications of unrestrained male sexuality and highlights the moral responsibilities of male suitors in safeguarding younger women. As we navigate the complexities of contemporary relationships, balancing sexual freedom with personal safety has become an urgent concern, underscoring the necessity for a holistic understanding of consent and exploitation in today’s socio-cultural framework. Thandi’s reflections further critique the perceived moral decay of contemporary youth by contrasting it with historical practices that sought to codify sexual conduct through community oversight. She observes, “As a young maiden, you might be referred to as ‘iNgcugce’... or you are a ‘Mtalakane’ meaning you have a child.” Such compartmentalisation was intended to regulate sexualities and maintain social equilibrium. However, it is imperative to interrogate this idealised representation of the past, clarifying how traditional norms may have simultaneously empowered and oppressed women. In this light, we must remain vigilant against potential misinterpretations of historical contexts, acknowledging that while these practices aimed to safeguard social equilibrium, they often reinforced restrictive gender dynamics.

In concluding this section, Thandi remarks, “We are now all the same... just the same thing. No one is better.” This assertion highlights the notion that contemporary individuals grapple with misfortunes resulting from neglect of traditional practices, opening the door to further exploration of social expectations, the nature of contemporary relationships, and social perceptions of unrestrained female sexuality in light of historical narratives. The inherent inequalities inscribed on women’s bodies, as opposed to men’s, further underscore the persistent influence of hetero-patriarchal structures that continue to shape gender dynamics today. In synthesising these perspectives, a provocation arises, illuminating how the interplay of evolving norms, social dynamics, and gender relations profoundly influences the lived experiences of women across generations.

5.7. The Invasion of Young Women’s Private Spaces

In critiquing the perceived indecency of contemporary young women, elderly women are not overlooking the gendered power dynamics that shape interactions between young men and women, as well as older men. Dudu’s observations about coerced sex and violence being prevalent in the everyday interactions of youth highlight a disturbing trend. She recounts how older boys from nearby secondary schools entice young girls in lower grades by offering gifts such as money and food in exchange for sexual relationships. Dudu explains that when these advances are rejected, the interactions commonly escalate to physical violence and sexual coercion. Another concerning aspect is that boys at Sibuko High School approach young girls at Nkambeni Primary School. “You can’t tell a Standard 3 or 4 child that you love her while you are in Standard 7 or 9,” she points out. “What do you want to show this little girl because she is so young?” The predatory behaviour exhibited by these boys exemplifies an unsettling normalisation of exploitative relationships, showing them how power dynamics are executed and obscuring the idea of innocent flirtation. Dudu further shares a troubling anecdote: “This one little girl said yes, and another one was crying... This boy hits her, and he wants them to go away together. When the girl returns home, she starts talking. He hits her and demands that she come with him.” Here, Dudu emphasises the brutal reality these young girls face; the pressure to yield leads to violence, leaving them physically and emotionally scarred. When they finally confide in their parents about the assault, it highlights a critical gap in understanding and support for their experiences. “The girl hesitates and wants to go home… she comes home swollen.”This scenario reflects a troubling aspect of contemporary relationships, where young boys’ behaviours echo patriarchal norms that reduce women’s identities to those of subjugated subjects vulnerable to male aggression. The transactional nature of these interactions, where a woman’s body is perceived as a right to be claimed upon the exchange of gifts or money, often by force, reinforces harmful socialisation processes for young men and girls and perceptions of romantic relationships. Dudu frames young women’s burgeoning sexualities as susceptible to the corrupting influence of male entitlement, suggesting that early sexual encounters are often coercive, resembling sexual assault. Moreover, both Dudu and other participants discuss the harassment young women endure from boys who believe they are entitled to their attention. When a girl rejects unwanted advances, the situation often escalates to verbal abuse, reinforcing oppressive patriarchal notions of ownership over women’s private spaces. One participant vividly recounts witnessing these interactions, illustrating the dehumanisation young women experience: “He meets a girl and says, ‘I want you’... ‘No, I don’t want you.’ ‘Hey, you dog, who’s gonna ask you out then?” Such derogatory language underscores a disturbing social narrative equating women’s rejection with worthlessness, depicting them as disposable objects. Sindiswa adds another layer to this distressing dynamic, revealing instances of young men abducting girls into sexual relationships as a means to establish power and control. Her testimony illustrates a culture where refusal to engage with a boy may lead to punitive actions. “She [grandchild] once came back from school and told me a boy ‘took’ [abducted] a girl, and two days passed with her not going to school… and she’s of her age group,” she reflects. This not only sends a menacing message to other girls about compliance but also enforces a broader culture of fear that inhibits their academic and social development and impedes their sexual and bodily agency.

Finally, Lungile observes that for young girls who reject these overtures, derogatory comments often follow, indicative of a broader socio-cultural expectation where women’s bodies are subjected to scrutiny and degradation. Such statements challenge the balance between sexual freedom and personal safety, ultimately raising critical questions about consent, exploitation, and the evolving nature of contemporary relationships under changing socio-political norms and landscapes. This narrative reflects an intricate interplay of empowerment and oppression influenced by shifting socio-cultural dynamics and the erosion of cultural protective norms for young women. As traditional structures deteriorate, the stakes around young women’s sexuality and autonomy become increasingly perilous, demanding a deeper examination of consent and the responsibilities of male suitors within this landscape. The evolution of these gender dynamics signals the need for renewed dialogues on the implications of unrestrained sexuality, not only for young women but for the broader social context in which these interactions occur.

6. Discussions

The research critically examines the complex implications of race, gender, and sexuality as they intersect within the historical and contemporary experiences of black women. Central to this inquiry is the concept of “hyper visibility,” as articulated by Gqola (2007), which highlights the paradoxical experience of black women who find their bodies under intense scrutiny yet simultaneously rendered invisible amid systemic violence. This dual vulnerability exposes a troubling reality: hyper visibility commodifies their bodies, while invisibility undermines their agency and recognition. As highlighted by Magubane (2001), colonial medical, literary, and scientific discourses have historically constructed detrimental images that serve to inferiorise native women—a process that has not only persisted but has also evolved within current socio-cultural frameworks. This inferiorisation reflects a continued legacy of colonialism that affects the lived experiences of black women today. The disruption caused by the eradication of traditional gynocracies, as articulated by Maese-Cohen (2010) and Oyewumi (1997), further illustrates the subtle yet pervasive impacts of colonial narratives that persist invisibly within contemporary social structures.

The narratives of elderly and young women who reflect on significant socio-political changes provide valuable insights into the perceived detriments of modernity to traditional values. For instance, Qiniso’s observations about modern older males and their inappropriate gazes toward young girls exemplify a troubling shift from past socio-cultural mores to current complacency regarding intergenerational boundaries. This transition underscores a significant cultural shift, moving from enforceable norms designed to moderate male behaviour to a contemporary framework where such boundaries have become increasingly blurred. Similarly, Miriam’s reflections capture the shifting dynamics of male behaviour in public interactions, revealing a tendency toward sexual objectification among younger generations. Her poignant anecdote regarding her great-granddaughter raises critical questions about the implications of unchecked male sexuality, urging an examination of the responsibilities associated with such freedom. Thandi’s critiques of perceived moral decay among today’s youth, juxtaposed with historical practices aimed at regulating sexual conduct, demand a nuanced understanding of how these codifications—though designed to maintain social equilibrium—often reinforced restrictive gender dynamics. Thandi’s assertion that “we are now all the same” poignantly highlights the struggles individuals face in the absence of traditional practices, urging further exploration of the expectations placed on contemporary relationships and their historical roots. The enduring influence of hetero-patriarchal structures on gender dynamics emphasizes the complex interplay between evolving societal norms and the lived experiences of women across generations.

The narratives also reveal a stark critique of contemporary expectations of young women, as elderly women draw attention to the gendered power dynamics shaping interactions among youth. Dudu’s observations expose the disturbing normalisation of coerced sex and violence in everyday interactions, particularly regarding the predatory behaviours of older boys toward younger girls. Notably, the transactional nature of these relationships exemplifies the harmful socialisation processes that reduce women’s identities to mere commodities. Dudu’s recollections of escalating violence in response to rejected advances further illustrate the precarious realities facing young women, highlighting a brutal dynamic that perpetuates a culture of compliance through fear. These narratives unveil a continuum of exploitation where young girls’ emerging sexualities become increasingly vulnerable to male entitlement, raising profound concerns about consent and exploitation within today’s socio-cultural framework. Lungile’s observations further underscore the scrutiny and degradation faced by women’s bodies while simultaneously emphasising the critical need to balance sexual freedom with personal safety. In synthesis, the discussions urge a re-evaluation of traditional practices and conduct by older men and boys and encourage a critical dialogue on the responsibilities and safety considerations for young women navigating the complexities of modern relationships and their ‘newly’ discovered sexualities and experiences.

6.1. Reflections on the Research Process

When exploring the question, “To what extent can critical reflection enhance knowledge production in the fields of gender, sexuality, and race?”, it is evident that the researcher’s critical reflexivity is crucial. This reflection, particularly when grounded in the lived experiences of marginalised voices, significantly deepens our understanding of these vital areas. Often, it is from the instabilities and uncertainties that the most compelling insights and intuitions about realities and possibilities for change emerge (Bennett & Pereira, 2013). It is with this in mind that I begin to detail my experiences of the research process. Thus, Ampofo argues that feminist narrative research demands that feminist researchers be reflexive about their positioning as researchers in the field (2009). Reflexivity refers to active acknowledgement by the researcher that their actions and decisions unavoidably influence the meaning and context of the experience under inquiry. By means of reflexivity I understood that I am an integral part of the ‘world’ I was studying and also that it is impossible to detach myself in relation to assembling of the stories, analysis and the interpretation (Henwood & Pidgeon, 1993; Porter, 1993; Mason, 1996). Phiri and Nadar (2010 in Nadar, 2014) add that being reflexive signifies that one recognises that the process of research is as vital as the product.

I therefore I agree with Ampofo’s contention that we are only able to maintain ‘our’ own strength as feminist scholars and activists through constant reflection in both the personal and communal contexts as well as appreciating ‘our’ privileged and also disadvantaged positions in some contexts (2009). Instead of setting aside our emotions and ethics from the process, Ampofo encourages that we embrace them as a part of the process, as emotion and intellect are argued to find a meeting space in narrative research (2009). Similar to Ampofo (2009) Collins (2000 in Nadar, 2014) discerns emotion as a measure of the validity and credibility of an argument. Most importantly, Ampofo illuminates that, when it comes to the lives of women on the continent, often these are our daily experiences or that of our mothers, aunts and sisters, which could possibly lead ‘us’ to offer a more sensitive outlook (2009). In addition, Reinharz and Davidman (1992) explain that the strong connection between the researcher and the participant is an indication that the relationship had “left” (p.263) the realm of research and had entered into the personal lives of participants. Moreover, reflexivity in research also means considering the implications and myriad ways of posing research questions, framing particular issues and experiences as ‘problems’ that require intervention, and the powerlessness of participants in framing and presenting their own issues and concerns (Boonzaier and Shefer, 2006 in Kiguwa, 2019). Reflecting on my experience in the ‘field’, I was not prepared for what was to come, although I had convinced myself that I had done all the necessary preparations for the fieldwork. I had interview guides with me so as to ensure that I remained within the boundaries of the topic, and I was convinced I possessed all the good skills to proceed with the interview process, coupled with the knowledge I had gained from the literature consulted. I resumed fieldwork with the intent to collect and thereafter analyse the data.

In hindsight, I realise that my approach was not that different from how the colonial researchers approached research as well as their relations with the ‘subjects’ of their enquiry. Similarly, researchers refer to this research approach as dehumanising to research participants (Smith & Coombs, 2003). In fact, scholars have problematised terminology such as the ‘collection of data ’,‘ research ’and ‘data analyses’ as dehumanising to participants and their experiences (Roy & Starosta, 2001). As a result, I maintain that the manner in which I approached the research process as well as the participants positioned me in a state of arrogance and privilege, resembling that of a colonial gaze into the lives of the subaltern. Furthermore, it was in my first one-on-one interview that I came to the realisation that my journey with the women was taking a different turn from the one I had envisioned. I was bitterly disappointed and grappled with the fact that I perceived the participant as not answering my questions nor comprehending the probes I was providing her. What stood out was the barrier we experienced in terms of the language used to describe sex-related questions and experiences; the terminology contained in the questions was a direct translation from the English language. As the interview progressed, the participant was tense as some of the words relating to sexual experiences sounded vulgar and taboo when expressed in an African language. Similarly, Tamale (2011) in her work on researching sexualities among African women cautions that, in terms of language, it may be challenging to translate words that may be non-existent in the research language. Given my experience, I paused fieldwork for some time in order to reflect on what I perceived to have gone wrong and came back to Pretoria from the research site in Mpumalanga. Fortunately, my academic supervisor had set up an appointment for us to meet in order to discuss my fieldwork experiences and to map a way forward. I was relieved at this opportunity as I could discuss what I had perceived to be an impasse in my project.

Cameron and Kulik (in Mateveke, 2017) illuminate that the language that the women have access to for representing issues of sex and sexuality exerts a noteworthy effect on what is taken as possible, normal and desirable. Cameron and Kulik further argue that there is a relationship between the linguistic representation of sex or sexuality with power relations, and language serves as an important element in the political struggles around sexuality (in Mateveke, 2017). The discussion challenged my views on how I perceived research and the participants. It was through this project that I had resolved to reverse the damage that research has caused to indigenous people’s lives and the manner in which they perceive themselves due to ‘our’ interference. After much introspection, I resumed fieldwork with the intention of having conversations with the women instead of viewing my encounters with them as research interviews. I was prepared to journey with the older women and the young women in their narratives; they are individuals who had seen me grow up and some had observed my growth as a child and into the woman I am today. It was at that point that I experienced relief and could express myself and also allow the women to take their stories wherever they wished with no boundaries set by a list of questions or an interviewer gazing at their responses as if to make a ‘discovery’ and to pathologise their experiences. In this instance, I draw from Harrison’s (2008) advice that key to conducting narrative interviews is learning to listen, and providing the participants the space to talk. In the process of conversing with the women, I soon became aware of my ‘imperial privileged’ position. I did not view myself as such due to my background in that area as well as the people. However, I found myself constantly renegotiating my insider position in the discussions. I had to accept the fact that I was a university student studying towards a qualification, thus presenting me as a researcher much like other researchers who had also come into our communities to conduct research. In some instances, I was referred to as a psychologist or a social worker “sent by Zuma” (government) through the university to identify problems in the community in order for the Department of Social Development to come and assist that community. I recall during the focus group discussion with both young and elderly women that one of the older women proceeded to say the following:

“I am speaking to you young people, a psychologist has come as far as Pretoria to address you and to find out what your problem is, why are you having so many children while you unemployed and unmarried. Tell her; she is here for you.”

The above extract indicates that our participants in research continue to view research as a quest for pathology in underprivileged communities; they do not perceive themselves as possessing the intellectual knowledge that we seek to learn from. Furthermore, my journey with the women highlighted the fact that “issues of survival and struggle take precedent over issues of knowledge production” (Zavala, 2013, p.66); as an example, in the in-depth interview that I had with one of the older women, she expressed that the community was tired of research institutions coming to;

“take information from them and not coming back to them with collective solutions for their struggles”:

“You know they open up this well of pain and then leave you like that and not come back to assist you based on what you told them. I am only talking to you because you are like my grandchild; otherwise I don’t want to hear from those people who exploit our pain just so they can write big reports and forget about us.”

These thoughts resonated with me that we cannot continue to conduct research and leave the community without having made an impact; thus, decolonial scholars and thinkers encourage researchers to view research journeys as invitations to dialogue. Moreover, participants had conflicting emotions regarding the research process. In a focus group discussion, one of the older women instructed me to switch off the recording device because my professor did not need to “hear this” and that, as my elder, she did not wish to misrepresent the community. The participant further expressed that it was now up to her to represent me well in the eyes of the academic community that I belonged to, so that they could see that “I come from a decent area” and that I was raised well. In our in-depth discussion, some of the older women often questioned my presence in the area: “Why come here, now? This area is not what it used to be. I wish you had come at a better time.” The views of the community of women that I interacted with echoed Smith’s (1999, p.1) sentiments that to indigenous people “research has become a dirty word”.

In addition, I have also had to contend with the idea that I am a young African woman raised in a context that forbade discussions around sex with elders. In cases where such discussions do occur, they are done in a discrete environment; in some cases, the ‘talk’ was reserved for young women who were initiates or women who were entering into marriage. Thus, sex in my family and in most circles in my community is considered a taboo topic. In contrast, during the in-depth discussions that I engaged in with the older women and in the focus group discussions, the older women were quite pleased to divulge details around sex as well as their experiences. In fact, during these discussions, the elderly women took the liberty to educate young women on matters relating to sex:

“Young women know nothing about sex, although you think you do. It is our job to impart that knowledge. No matter how educated you are you need to know the power your sexuality holds. Ask us—we’ve been there.”

Furthermore, I found my fieldwork journey a humbling experience as well as enlightening. Particularly with the in-depth discussions I had with the older women in their homes, I experienced a connection far deeper than that of a researcher-participant relationship. Interestingly, I was viewed as one of the children in the home; the older women would come to me with complaints about their grandchildren’s wrongdoings as a grandmother would to her eldest grandchild. In the process of conducting the in-depth discussions, I was praised and affirmed as a strong black woman who had done her family and community proud. In most cases, upon my arrival for the interviews, I would often find the women busy with their daily chores including taking care of their grandchildren which often took precedence over our interview. In most cases, I assisted with the chores; this proved advantageous as we could ease into the topic and it would quickly turn into a ‘normal’ conversation. For instance, while busy doing laundry, I would learn about ‘my grandmother’ as she recounted stories of resilience and being a young black woman in the confines of tumultuous political periods in South Africa.

7. Conclusions

In conclusion, this research examines women’s narratives, highlighting how socio-political transformations have reshaped gender dynamics and influenced the experiences of contemporary young men and women. A significant theme that emerges is the shift in expectations surrounding romantic relationships. There is a concerning decline in the values of respect and responsibility that once defined inter-gender interactions, as recounted by the erstwhile youth. In addition, this article explores the lasting impact of colonial legacies on present-day gender inequalities, drawing attention to the need for critical reflection. Reflecting on women’s narratives and their historical contexts, we gain a deeper understanding of the ongoing discourses on gender, sexuality, and race. The narratives shared allow us to examine broader themes and navigate the intricacies of gendered relations. They enhance our discourse and prompt us to explore the interconnectedness of gender, politics, culture, geopolitical location, sexuality, and race, providing insights that more closely align with the realities South African women confront today. Moreover, the call for a decolonial perspective on gender dynamics underscores the importance of critical reflection in the creation of knowledge. By challenging dominant narratives and reclaiming the so-called uneducated and rural women’s narratives that are counted as formal knowledge in academic discourses, we not only contest entrenched power structures but also reinvigorate historical avenues for advocacy and social justice for South African women. Finally, in this research, I affirm that critical reflection is critical in gender research and its intersections to understanding historical inequalities and addressing ongoing challenges in the pursuit of gender justice and women’s sexual autonomy. This journey, informed by the voices of the past, guides us as we engage thoughtfully with the intricacies of the contemporary sexual landscape of the historically marginalised.