Localizing Bologna-Style Reforms in Kyrgyzstan: A Comparative Documentary Case Study of Three Management Master’s Programs

2.1. Norms and Bologna-Style Reforms

This study treats Bologna-style reforms as a set of travelling norms and tools. In international relations, a norm is often defined as “a standard of appropriate behavior for actors with a given identity” (Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998, p. 891). In higher education, Bologna reforms carry such expectations. They promote a shared view of what a “modern” system should look like. This includes comparable degrees, portable credits, competence-based curriculum language, and external quality assurance routines.

In formal Bologna governance, many of these tools are voluntary. Still, they create standards that are widely seen as legitimate and useful. This is one reason they travel beyond Europe and beyond formal membership settings. In Kyrgyzstan, the adoption of a 120 ECTS, two-year master’s cycle and the use of credit-based regulation show that Bologna-style tools have entered domestic higher education reform.

2.2. Norm Localization

The main analytical lens in this paper is Acharya’s (2004) norm localization theory. Acharya argues against a simple view where external standards replace local practices. Instead, local actors reshape external norms so they fit local beliefs, institutions, and interests. This is the core idea of localization. Acharya links acceptance to “congruence building.” In simple terms, a foreign norm becomes acceptable when it can be made consistent with local rules and expectations (Acharya, 2004).

Localization is useful because it avoids a strict “success/failure” view of reform. It also goes beyond the convergence–divergence debate. A convergence lens can focus too much on formal similarity, such as the adoption of degree cycles and ECTS totals. A divergence lens can focus too much on difference and treat local outcomes as resistance. Localization focuses on translation. It asks how and why reforms are reconstructed after they arrive.

Acharya (2004) also identifies reasons for borrowing norms, reasons for localizing them, and possible outcomes. These categories can be used as an analytical framework for documentary evidence in higher education reform.

Table 1. Analytical framework: Norm localization in Kyrgyzstan (adapted from Acharya, 2004).

Table 1. Analytical framework: Norm localization in Kyrgyzstan (adapted from Acharya, 2004).

2.3. Policy Borrowing as Selection and Reframing

Norm localization is compatible with education policy borrowing research. Phillips and Ochs (2003) stress that borrowing is not simple copying. It involves selection, internalisation, and local decision-making. Steiner-Khamsi (2004) adds that borrowing often has a political economy dimension. Reforms can be used to signal modernisation, attract support, and strengthen legitimacy. These perspectives help explain why Bologna-style reforms can spread quickly in documents, while deeper changes can remain uneven.

In Kyrgyzstan, these ideas are relevant because many Bologna-style tools are visible as formal structures. At the same time, national rules can reshape their meaning. For example, Resolution No. 496 (2011) defines one credit unit as 30 academic hours and requires at least 50 percent contact hours (Government of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2011). This shows a local adjustment to a tool that is often presented as workload-based and student-centred.

2.4. How the Framework Is Used in This Study

This paper uses the localization framework in two connected ways.

First, it explains why Bologna-style reforms were borrowed. Here the focus is on post-Soviet drivers such as economic strain, expansion of higher education, and the influence of donors and regional cooperation (DeYoung, 2011; Silova & Niyozov, 2020; Isaacs, 2014). These drivers create demand for internationally legible tools.

Second, it explains how Bologna tools were localized in Kyrgyzstan. The analysis looks for evidence of:

reframing (how reforms are justified in laws, OOP documents, and project materials)

selective adoption (which tools become visible first, and which remain weak)

institutional translation (how tools are embedded in different university governance logics)

The three-university comparison (KEU, IUK, KSTU) is used to show variation under a shared national context. All three cases present the same formal master’s structure (two years; 120 ECTS), but they show different translations in curriculum architecture and quality mechanisms. This supports the idea that a single reform template can produce different local outcomes.

Table 2. Coding scheme for cross-case documentary analysis.

Table 2. Coding scheme for cross-case documentary analysis.

3.1. Research Design

This study combines two approaches. First, it uses a structured review of research and policy texts to build the post-Soviet and Central Asian context for Bologna-style reforms. Second, it applies a comparative documentary case study to examine how Bologna-style tools are translated in three universities at the master’s level. This design follows the logic of the model article. It links a general explanation (why reforms travel) with a grounded explanation (how they are reshaped in specific institutions).

A documentary approach is appropriate for this topic because Bologna-style reforms travel through texts. They are often implemented as legal provisions, program templates, credit tables, competence matrices, and quality procedures. These forms produce traceable evidence. They allow the researcher to compare how similar tools are presented and organised across institutions. They also allow the researcher to identify points of “friction,” where a tool is adjusted to fit local routines.

The unit of analysis in the cross-case part is the management master’s programme (Direction 580200 Management and closely related management master’s cycles as formally described in program documentation). The study focuses on the master’s level because Bologna tools are clearly visible there in Kyrgyzstan. All three cases frame the master’s cycle as 120 ECTS over two years. This makes programs comparable and allows the analysis to focus on translation rather than on basic structural differences.

3.2. Case Selection

The study examines three Kyrgyz HEIs:

Kyrgyz Economic University (KEU)

International University of Kyrgyzstan (IUK)

Kyrgyz State Technical University named after I. Razzakov (KSTU)

These cases were selected to capture institutional variation under a shared national framework. The cases represent three distinct “translations” of Bologna-style tools in Kyrgyzstan’s higher education governance.

KEU represents a market-sectoral translation. Its OOP documents show a standard 120 ECTS master’s structure, but also a profile-based program design and strong core modules that reflect local economic priorities and legacy content.

IUK represents a donor-driven translation. Program structure and competence framing are strongly shaped by project deliverables, especially Erasmus+ TALENT. These documents provide a modular design and competence mapping that are meant to be portable and comparable across partner universities.

KSTU represents a technocratic translation. Its management master’s program is embedded in an engineering-oriented institutional environment. External quality is also framed through ISO 9001:2015 certification, where the scope covers higher professional education and research activities. This provides a distinct quality governance logic.

Table 3. Case selection rationale and data sources.

Table 3. Case selection rationale and data sources.

3.3. Data Sources

The evidence base is organised in three layers.

3.3.1. National-Level Legal and Regulatory Texts

National texts are used to identify the formal rules that shape curriculum design, accreditation, and credit allocation. Two national anchors are central in this study:

Government Resolution No. 496 (2011). This resolution defines key credit rules, including the definition that one credit unit equals 30 academic hours and a rule that contact hours should constitute at least 50 percent of total workload (Government of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2011, Clause 4; Annex 1). These clauses provide a clear example of how a Bologna-style tool is operationalised domestically.

Law of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Education” (No. 179, 11 August 2023). This law provides the legal framing for higher education programs and accreditation arrangements. In this study, Article 18 and Article 30 are treated as key reference points because they define higher education program types and the role of independent accreditation agencies (Law of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2023, Art. 18; Art. 30).

These national texts are used as baseline constraints shared by all three cases.

3.3.2. Regional, Donor, and Project Documents

Regional and donor materials are used to trace how reform templates enter the system and how they are packaged. These sources include:

Regional cooperation literature on building a Central Asian higher education area, including competence-based tools and credit transfer logics (Isaacs, 2014).

System and policy reports describing higher education in Kyrgyzstan (European Commission/EACEA, n.d.).

Erasmus+ TALENT project deliverables. In this study, the TALENT curriculum map is a key artifact because it provides a clear structure: “Total workload of 120 ECTS distributed over 2 years (4 semesters) of the Master of Management cycle” (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 6, Table 1). The same document also provides competence mapping structures (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 8).

Project documents are treated as evidence of donor-driven diffusion and as a benchmark for program design features that are framed as “European standard.”

3.3.3. University-Level Program and Quality Documents

University-level evidence focuses on program architecture and quality mechanisms. For each case, the study uses the most direct and traceable documents available:

KEU: the Main Educational Program (OOP) for Management (Master’s level), 2021/2022 revision. The study uses the OOP statement of duration and workload (p. 4) and profile-based structural sections (pp. 7–10). It also uses course placement evidence within the program grid.

IUK: the TALENT curriculum map as a program-level design artifact used for the HRM master track and related management master cycles. Where available, additional module descriptions are used to identify competence mapping logic.

KSTU: the master’s program description page for Direction 580200 Management, which states duration and total ECTS. For external quality framing, the study uses ISO 9001:2015 certification evidence (Quality Austria, 2022).

External quality signals are also captured through accreditation registers. For KEU, an EdNet registry entry is used as evidence of independent program accreditation (EdNet, 2020).

Table 4. Register of key documentary evidence.

Table 4. Register of key documentary evidence.

3.4. Data Collection and Traceability

Documents were collected through targeted searches of official and institutional websites and project pages. For each source, the study records:

URL

date of access

file name (if PDF)

page number, table identifier, or clause number (for citations)

For web pages, the relevant text is archived as a screenshot or saved as PDF. This step is used to ensure that evidence remains stable even if web content changes. For PDFs, citations include page and table numbers when available.

3.5. Data Analysis

The analysis combines two coding layers.

First, it uses Acharya’s (2004) framework to organise interpretation. Evidence is coded for:

borrowing pressures (post-Soviet strain, donor influence, regional diffusion)

localization drivers (legitimacy needs, fit with local routines, credible channels)

outcomes (short-term tool expansion and long-term uncertainty)

Second, it applies cross-case program coding. The three cases are compared using the same indicators:

Program structure: stated duration and total ECTS (2 years; 120 ECTS)

Curriculum architecture: core vs elective balance; presence of legacy or sectoral modules; profile differentiation

Competence and outcomes framing: presence of competence matrices; mapping logic; explicit learning outcomes language

Quality mechanism: professional accreditation register entries; project deliverable framing; ISO/QMS certification scope

This approach allows the study to separate “formal alignment” from “translation in use.” It also allows the analysis to link institutional differences to localization patterns without assuming that one model is fully adopted.

Table 5. Coding scheme and indicators with case locators.

Table 5. Coding scheme and indicators with case locators.

4.1. Reasons for the Adoption of Bologna-Style Reforms in the Post-Soviet Context

Acharya (2004) argues that countries borrow external norms under specific conditions: crisis, shifts in power, and regional demonstration effects. The post-Soviet context reflects all three. After 1991, higher education systems across the former Soviet space faced major disruption. State funding declined, institutions expanded, and universities had to operate in a new market environment. In many countries, this combination created pressure for reform and demand for internationally legible policy tools (Silova & Niyozov, 2020; DeYoung, 2011).

Economic and institutional strain is one key driver. In Kyrgyzstan, higher education expanded rapidly, while resources and institutional capacity remained uneven. DeYoung (2011) describes how higher education stayed highly valued socially, even as accountability mechanisms were weak and quality was contested. In such settings, adopting a recognised reform vocabulary can be attractive. Bologna-style tools offer ready-made categories that look modern and internationally comparable. They also offer administrative templates that can be quickly adopted in documents and reporting.

A second driver is the shift in global and domestic power relations. In the post-Soviet era, international organisations and donors became more active in education reform across Central Asia (Silova & Niyozov, 2020). Their projects often promoted a shared global language, such as learning outcomes, employability, transparency, and quality assurance. These terms can function as travelling policy scripts. They can be used by ministries and universities to present reforms as aligned with global standards. This is a known pattern in education policy borrowing, where reforms travel not only because they “work,” but because they are politically and institutionally useful (Phillips & Ochs, 2003; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004).

A third driver is a regional demonstration effect. Acharya (2004) notes that policy diffusion often happens through regional examples. In Central Asia, regional cooperation and European-supported initiatives promoted a shared reform vocabulary and tools, including competence-based curriculum design and credit transfer logics (Isaacs, 2014). Such initiatives reduce the entry costs of borrowing. They also create incentives for institutions to show compatibility with external partners, especially through program structures and documentation that can be easily presented.

Taken together, these drivers help explain why Kyrgyzstan became strongly interested in Bologna-style reforms. They do not mean that Kyrgyzstan converged to the Bologna model. Instead, they created conditions for selective borrowing. The external norm is attractive because it can support legitimacy and provide ready-made instruments. At the same time, domestic constraints shape what is adopted and how it is used.

Table 6. Borrowing pressures mapped to Acharya (2004) for Kyrgyzstan.

Table 6. Borrowing pressures mapped to Acharya (2004) for Kyrgyzstan.

4.2. Localization of Bologna-Style Reforms in Kyrgyzstan

This section examines domestic conditions that shape Bologna-style reforms in Kyrgyzstan. Following Acharya (2004), the focus is on why borrowed tools are localized and what outcomes this produces. The analysis uses two national anchors (Resolution No. 496, 2011; Law No. 179, 2023) and connects them to institutional evidence from the three cases.

4.2.1. Legitimacy and the Prestige of International Alignment

In post-Soviet settings, international reform language can be used to signal modernisation. It can also strengthen legitimacy at home and abroad (Steiner-Khamsi, 2004; Silova, 2005). Kyrgyzstan’s legal framework provides a clear example of how reform is framed through governance scripts.

The Law of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Education” (No. 179, 11 August 2023) defines the main higher education program types. Article 18 states that higher education is implemented through bachelor, master, and specialist programmes (Law of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2023, Art. 18). Article 30 states that accreditation is conducted by independent accreditation agencies (Law of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2023, Art. 30). These provisions matter because they create a formal policy frame that makes Bologna-style structures and external evaluation appear as part of standard system governance.

In Acharya’s terms, a borrowed norm can support legitimacy when it strengthens existing institutions and practices. In Kyrgyzstan, Bologna-style tools can function as a recognised language of reform. At the same time, legal framing alone does not guarantee full adoption of the Bologna model. It mainly defines what can be shown in documents: programme categories, credit totals, and accreditation arrangements.

4.2.2. Domestic Norms and “Friction” in the Translation of ECTS

A key sign of localization is how a tool is defined and operationalised. ECTS is usually presented as a workload-based system that supports mobility and learning outcomes. In practice, its meaning can shift when it meets existing institutional routines.

Government Resolution No. 496 (2011) provides a direct example. Clause 4 and Annex 1 define the credit in academic hours: “"Трудoемкoсть oднoй зачетнoй единицы (кредита) сoставляет 30 академических часoв" ["The workload of one credit unit equals 30 academic hours"]” (Government of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2011, Clause 4; Annex 1). The same document sets a strong contact-hour requirement: “Объем аудитoрных занятий (кoнтактных часoв) дoлжен сoставлять не менее 50 прoцентoв oт oбщей трудoемкoсти” (Government of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2011, Clause 4; Annex 1). This combination is important. It suggests that credits are not only a workload measure. They are also tied to a minimum share of classroom teaching.

This rule creates a clear “friction point” in the translation of Bologna tools. Credits can be presented in ECTS terms, but the regulation keeps contact hours central. In institutional terms, this can favour a curriculum design logic that remains close to lecture-based teaching and administrative control of workload. It is consistent with Acharya’s argument that local norms can prevent wholesale borrowing and push reforms into adapted forms.

4.2.3. Credible Local Actors and Reform Channels

Acharya (2004) also stresses the role of local actors and channels in norm acceptance. In Kyrgyzstan, reform translation is shaped by ministries, university leadership, and external partners. In education borrowing research, donors and projects are often key carriers of templates and reform language (Steiner-Khamsi, 2004; Silova, 2005). In Central Asia, regional cooperation initiatives also support diffusion by providing shared tools and frameworks (Isaacs, 2014).

In Kyrgyzstan, donor-supported templates are visible in program-level documents, especially at the master’s level. The TALENT project deliverable is one example. It provides a structured curriculum map and a competence-based approach to master’s program design (TALENT Consortium, 2019). Such documents can support fast adoption of visible reform elements. They also provide a technical language that can be used by institutions to present programs as internationally aligned.

At the same time, donor channels can contribute to uneven implementation. Some institutions gain stronger access to templates and networks, while others translate reforms in more administrative or localised ways. This logic will be examined directly in the cross-case comparison.

4.2.4. Quality Assurance as a Key Policy Instrument

Bologna-style reforms often travel most effectively through QA instruments. QA relies on standards, reporting routines, and external evaluation. These tools fit well with systems where formal compliance is an established governance practice.

In Kyrgyzstan, Article 30 of the Education Law provides a legal base for external accreditation through independent agencies (Law of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2023, Art. 30). At the institutional level, external quality signals take different forms. KEU appears in the EdNet register through a program accreditation entry for “Management (Master’s level)” (EdNet, 2020). KSTU also shows a distinct quality logic through ISO 9001:2015 certification. The certificate scope explicitly includes higher professional education and scientific research activities, and it covers engineering, technology, and management (Quality Austria, 2022).

These patterns suggest that QA is not a single instrument in Kyrgyzstan. It is a field of tools that can be localised. Some tools are closer to professional accreditation logics. Others are framed through industrial process standards. Both are compatible with a governance environment where documents and verification procedures matter.

4.2.5. Short-Term and Long-Term Outcomes

The evidence suggests that localization in Kyrgyzstan produces clearer short-term outcomes than long-term transformation. In the short term, Bologna-style reforms create visible institutional structures and documents:

a shared master’s cycle of 120 ECTS over two years (KEU OOP p. 4; TALENT p. 6; KSTU programme page)

competence matrices and module mapping in donor-linked templates (TALENT p. 8)

external quality signals through professional accreditation registers (EdNet entry) and ISO certification (Quality Austria certificate)

These outcomes allow universities to present programs in internationally legible formats. They also reshape governance routines through program documentation and external evaluation.

Long-term outcomes are less certain. A deeper shift toward competence-based learning and student-centred design requires stable curriculum work, assessment redesign, and institutional capacity. Post-Soviet research highlights persistent constraints such as limited resources, uneven institutional capacity, and inherited governance routines (DeYoung, 2011; Shadymanova & Amsler, 2018). These constraints can limit convergence even when formal alignment expands.

Table 7. Localization factors and outcomes mapped to Acharya (2004).

Table 7. Localization factors and outcomes mapped to Acharya (2004).

4.3. A Comparative Case Study of Management Master’s Programmes: KEU, IUK, and KSTU

This section compares how Bologna-style tools are translated in three Kyrgyz universities at the master’s level. All three cases operate under the same national legal framework. Yet they show different institutional logics in curriculum design and quality mechanisms. The aim is not to rank the universities. The aim is to show how localization varies across institutions.

4.3.1. Shared Baseline: A Two-Year, 120 ECTS Master’s Structure

All three cases frame the master’s programme as a two-year cycle with a total workload of 120 ECTS credits. This shared structure provides a clear baseline for comparison.

At KEU, the OOP for “580200 Management (Master’s)” states: “Срoк oсвoения ООП — 2 гoда, трудoемкoсть — 120 зачетных единиц (кредитoв)” (Kyrgyz Economic University named after M. Ryskulbekov, 2022, p. 4, Table 1.1). At IUK, the TALENT curriculum map frames the master’s cycle as: “Total workload of 120 ECTS distributed over 2 years (4 semesters)” (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 6, Table 1). At KSTU, the programme page states: "Срoк oбучения … сoставляет 2 гoда … 120 кредитoв (ECTS)" (KSTU, 2024).

This shared format looks like formal convergence. Yet a common structure does not mean a common translation. The differences become clearer when we compare curriculum architecture, competence framing, and quality mechanisms.

4.3.2. KEU: Market-Sectoral Logic and Profile-Based Curriculum Design

KEU represents a market-sectoral translation of Bologna tools. On the surface, the programme follows a standard 120 ECTS structure. The OOP also organises the programme through profiles and detailed grids. This is a typical way to align with a credit-based system while keeping strong internal program control.

In the Crisis Management profile, KEU assigns a large share of the workload to core modules (Kyrgyz Economic University named after M. Ryskulbekov, 2022, pp. 7–8). In the Entrepreneurship profile, elective modules gain more weight in Semester 3 (Kyrgyz Economic University named after M. Ryskulbekov, 2022, pp. 9–10). This indicates that Bologna tools (credit totals and programme grids) are used to organise a curriculum that reflects local program priorities and market narratives, while also retaining continuity in core content.

KEU also shows an external QA signal through independent program accreditation. In the EdNet register, KEU appears with a program accreditation entry for “Management (Master’s level),” with validity 2020–2025 and certificate number BP20/004 (EdNet, 2020). This supports the view that Bologna-style QA is translated through professional accreditation mechanisms and external visibility. The existence of a register entry does not prove teaching change, but it shows that quality is governed partly through external evaluation and documentation.

4.3.3. IUK: Donor-Driven Logic and Competence-Based Templates

IUK reflects a donor-driven translation pathway. The TALENT project deliverable provides a structured curriculum map. It includes a full 120 ECTS design distributed over four semesters (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 6, Table 1). It also presents competence mapping (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 8). This is an example of how Bologna-style tools can enter directly through project templates.

In this translation, competence language is not only a general policy slogan. It is embedded in a curriculum design format. The document frames the master’s cycle as aligned with EHEA standards and uses structured mapping of modules to learning outcomes (TALENT Consortium, 2019, p. 8). This makes the program legible to external partners and supports portability.

At the same time, such project-based reforms can remain partly “island-like.” They can show strong formal design in a specific program or track, but they may have limited spillover into other programs not covered by donor channels. This is not a claim about success or failure. It is a structural observation about how reform templates enter and circulate.

4.3.4. KSTU: Technocratic Logic and ISO-Based Quality Management

KSTU shows a technocratic translation of Bologna-style reforms. The management master's programme is framed as two years and 120 ECTS credits, which confirms the shared baseline (KSTU, 2024). The distinctive feature of KSTU is how quality is governed and described.

KSTU holds ISO 9001:2015 certification. The certificate scope includes “Provision of higher professional education, additional professional education and scientific research activities in the fields of engineering, technology and management” (Quality Austria, 2022). The certificate is numbered 19.1678.026 and is valid from 2022-12-15 to 2025-12-14 (Quality Austria, 2022). This suggests a strong process and standardisation framing of quality. In this translation, quality is linked to routines such as audit and document control, which are typical in industrial management systems.

This provides a concrete example of “grafting” in Acharya’s terms. A Bologna-style emphasis on QA and external assurance is connected to a technocratic logic where education is treated as a process that can be standardised and verified. This logic can support formal alignment while also shaping what “quality” means in practice.

4.3.5. Cross-Case Summary

The comparison shows that a shared Bologna-style structure (120 ECTS, two-year master's cycle) coexists with quite different institutional translations. The three cases reflect three dominant logics: market-sectoral (KEU), donor-driven (IUK), and technocratic (KSTU). These logics shape how credits, modules, competence language, and quality mechanisms are interpreted and used.

The evidence supports the localization argument. Bologna-style tools travel to Kyrgyzstan and become visible as program structures and governance instruments. Yet they are reconstructed in different ways across institutions. This variation is consistent with Acharya’s view that external norms are accepted through local reconstruction rather than simple copying (Acharya, 2004).

Table 8. Cross-case comparison of Bologna-style localization in management master's programmes.

Table 8. Cross-case comparison of Bologna-style localization in management master's programmes.