Experiences of Climate-Induced Migrant Youth in Accessing Higher Education in Coastal Bangladesh

Md. Sefatul Islam

doi:10.20944/preprints202509.1384.v1

Submitted:

15 September 2025

Posted:

16 September 2025

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Abstract

This study, a qualitative study aims to explore the experiences of climate-induced migrant youth in pursuing higher education in the context of coastal Bangladesh. A purposive sample of 12 participants was drawn, to whom in-depth interviews were administered to understand their experiences of difficulties. From thematic analysis, five main themes were identified: socioeconomic issues, access to and preparedness for education, mental and emotional health, institutional support and policy, social and community networks. Deterrents that prevent educational participation include financial hardship, work commitments, lack of scholarships, and housing difficulties. An academic disruption, admission obstacles, inadequate institutional support, and poor digital literacy add to non-preparedness.” Youths reported negative stress, anxiety, and multiple belonging experiences, although they did use coping strategies and continued to be motivated to attend post-secondary education. Institutional and policy gaps were described alongside fragmented NGO interventions, indicating systemic limitations, and peer, family and community networks became a lifeline. The implications highlight the necessity of carefully responsive polices and schemes to expand access, inclusion, and equity for the climate-induced migrant youth in Bangladesh.

Keywords:

climate-induced migration

;

higher education access

;

migrant youth

;

coastal Bangladesh

;

educational barriers

;

qualitative research

Subject:

Social Sciences - Education

Introduction

Climate change-related migration became one of the most immediate consequences of climate change in coastal Bangladesh where recurring cyclones, flooding, and river bank erosion led to forced migration of vulnerable people (Islam & Winkel, 2017). Coastal areas of Bangladesh faced growing environmental degradation that led to disruption of the workforce population and forced communities to adopt other survival strategies including migration (Adger et al., 2013). One of the most vulnerable groups that have been affected by this development is young people as the already difficult task of staying in education while being displaced became even harder in the new environment (Rahman& Rahman, 2020).

The convergence of climate migration and educational access was a central issue, with displaced youth facing numerous obstacles to continuing their education (Torres & Mitchell, 2019). 'Financial cost constraints, documentation issues, social integration difficulty's, institutional constraints- Financial difficulty affected the educational opportunity of the mothers in their schooling where they faced these several barriers, which restrict them from gaining good education as the daughters (Kumar et al., 2021). The interruption of educational pathways is highly detrimental to deprivileged youths in coastal areas where they are geographically disadvantaged and even more so when they are marginalized due to their socioeconomic backgrounds (Hassan & Ahmed, 2018).

What was the effect of climate-induced migration on educational aspirations and access to higher education among COASTAL youth of Bangladesh? The purpose of this research was to understand the lived realities of migrant climate-induced youth towards higher education, by looking into the specific problems they faced and the solutions they implemented to overcome them (Sarkar & Das, 2020). The contribution of this study was in providing information that could be used to guide policy intervention or assistance to enable educational continuity of climate-displaced youths (Islam & Rabbi, 2024).

Wider dimensions of climate migration in Bangladesh exposed intricate relationships among environmental degradation, social vulnerabilities and educational injustices (Alam & Rahman, 2022). They often moved to urban towns where they confronted other challenges such as lack of proper shelter, inadequate services and discrimination all of which further diminished their opportunities in education (Hossain et al., 2019). It was necessary to have a good grasp of these interrelated problems to develop comprehensive strategies to address the educational needs of such a disadvantaged group (Islam & Das, 2021).

Literature Review

Earlier research on climate-induced migration shed some interesting insights regarding the complex patterns of displacement in Bangladesh, where studies reported that the environmental factors were interacting with the economic factors towards the migration decision-making (Islam & Winkel, 2017). Adger et al. (2013), climate chang e impacts were not only environmental events but were profoundly insteeped in social and culture expressions determining response by the community. Studies in the past have primarily concentrated on the physical impacts of displacement, however, recently it has extended to look at social impacts of climate migrations, like educational disruptions (Rahman, 2020, Islam, 2024).

The international literature on environmental migration has shown different trends in educational opportunity among displaced groups. Hunter et al. (2015) demonstrated that the educational opportunities of environmental migrants are frequently diminished by disrupted social networks and resource constraints in permissible areas. Similarly, Torres and Mitchell (2019) showed how climate-displaced young people struggled to achieve educational continuity, particularly entry to higher education institutions that operated on formal documentation and financial means (Rabbi & Islam, 2024).

Bangladesh-specific studies gave an understanding of the education experience of climate migrants in the country. Degree of marginalization among climate migrants Rahman and Rahman’s (2020) systematic review of climate migrants noted documentation issues, financial barriers, and language barriers as being the most significant barriers between climate migrants and educational option (s). What they found was that the migrant youth were much less likely to pursue post-secondary education than their non-migrant peers, with the number being as low as 23% for climate-displaced youth (Rahman & Rahman, 2020, p. 48).

Looking into migration and education in South Asia also presented other challenges in terms of social integration and cultural adjustment. Kumar et al. (2021) observed that migrant children commonly experienced social challenges in a new school setting, which resulted in higher dropout percentages and lower academic achievement. Hassan and Ahmed (2018) also recorded the psychosocial nexus of displacement on learning motivation – trauma and stress from the climate events had diminished learning ability and aspiration to succeed academically.

The literature on educational resilience among migrant populations offered critical insights on acculturation processes. Sarkar and Das (2020) found community networks to be critical for educational success for displaced youth. According to their study, migrant communities which retain 'strong social connections' are more successful in accessing education for their youth. This result also corresponds with other studies of social capital and educational outcomes among migrant populations (Hossain et al., 2019, Islam & Makhon , 2025).

Select studies investigated the support provided by institutions to ensuring access to education by climate migrants. Alam and Rahman (2022) reviewed dedicated government programs focussing on migrant education and reported significant limitations in service provisions and policy enactment. Their findings drew attention to the fact that there was a need for special supportive mechanisms which addressed the special needs of the climate displaced people. Likewise, Islam and Das (2021) showed how non-government organizations have played a significant role in supporting the education of migrant children, although those efforts were described as piecemeal and inadequate relative to the increasing demand for services.

The literature identified notable gaps in knowledge regarding the lived experiences of CDPY in accessing HE. Existing studies largely took quantitative methods that yielded statistical information for the subjective experiences and coping actions of the affected individuals to be understood though (Singh & Patel, 2018). Furthermore, available literature on climate migration and education in Bangladesh was scarce with very little empirical work on higher education access of coastal migrant youth (Mahmud & Khan., 2019, Rabbi et al., 2024).

Recent research has started to fill these gaps adopting qualitative methodologies and focusing on the voice of climate migrants through their personal stories. Ahmed and Sultana (2021) employed phenomenological approach to explore the learning experiences of displaced children and highlighted the interaction between individual agency and structural constraints. Their results highlighted the need to consider migration as a process and not an instantaneous phenomenon where migrant effects on education developed over time as migrants adjusted to their new environment.

The review repeatedly mentioned that fuller studies on climate migration and education access were necessary, in particular research that would focus on the voices and experiences of affected youth (Roy & Sen, 2020). This gap warranted the attention of the present study to investigate the lived experiences of the climate-induced migrant youth in higher education access in coastal Bangladesh.

Research Methodology

Methodology This study adopted a qualitative research design following a phenomenological perspective to unravel the lived experiences of climate-displaced migrant youths in pursuing higher education in the coastal region of Bangladesh. A phenomenological approach was chosen because it allowed for a focus on the subjective experiences and meanings attributed to the educational sojourns of climate-displaced persons (Creswell & Poth, 2018). This approach was consistent with the overall goal of the study which was to describe as fully and completely as possible the context of the participants’ lives and how they processed through barriers to higher education.

Purposive sampling was adopted to recruit a sample of 12 climate-induced migrant youth who were displaced from the coast of Bangladesh due to climate change (e.g., cyclones, floods, river bank erosion). Participants were purposively selected through community organizations, schools, and using snowball sampling to ensure a broad range of participants representing various displacement experiences and levels of educational attainment (Patton, 2015). Inclusion criteria included being 18–25 years old, having lived a climate-change affected migration (CCAM) from coastal areas in the past 5 years, and having attempted or expressed interest to attend higher education.

Data collection was based on semi-structured in-depth interviews, with each interview lasting 60 to 90 minutes, for over a period of four months. The interview guide consisted of open questions examining how participants migrated to Finland, educational ambitions, obstacles to higher education, and strategies for coping (Smith et al., 2022). Interviews were carried out in Bengali, recorded and transcribed verbatim, and translated to English for analysis.

Ethical concerns included obtaining informed consent of all participants, confidentiality and anonymity, and their right to withdraw from the study. The institutional ethics committee reviewed and approved the study and all data collection was conducted in accordance with the prescribed ethical guidelines for vulnerable populations (Tracy, 2020). Participants were given information about available support services, and the researcher remained sensitive to potential trauma related to experiences of displacement.

Data were analyzed based on Braun and Clarke's (2006) thematic analysis model, where six phases were applied: familiarizing with data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and reporting. The analysis was iterative and inductive so that themes evolved from the data, in contrast to being applied by established frameworks. The data were organized and analysed using Brauns NVivo software for qualitative data, enabling systematic analysis and theme generation (Braun & Clarke, 2013).

Result

Socioeconomic Challenges

Participants noted how socioeconomic status had a major effect on their access to and completion of postsecondary education. Inadequate funds, the need to work for wages, obstacles to financial aid, and problems with housing and transportation all restricted their college experiences.

Financial Constraints

Several respondents described difficulty paying for tuition and study costs owing to their family's low income. “My fees are too high for both of my parents to pay so I have to borrow or defer paying” (P1). Another indicated, “the pressure of purchasing books and resources; at times I wouldn’t buy what I needed” (Participant 3). These types of financial constraints often required participants to support the compromise of their already restricting participation in their studies.

Employment Pressures

Some of the young people said that, in order to make ends meet, they had to work while in school. “I have a job in small local shop after-college if not I will not manage with food and fare” (Participant 5). One student articulated, ‘I’m too tired during the day when I go to class and do assignments’ (Participant 8). Work responsibilities were therefore a direct factor in their academic involvement and achievement.

Access to Scholarships

Participants also reported being generally unaware of and unable to access scholarships. “I heard about scholarships, but I didn’t apply because I didn’t understand the application” (Participant 2). Another participant pointed out: “Even if you are eligible, there’s stiff competition, and not enough support” (Participant 6). These hurdles limited their chances of reaping the benefits of financial aid programs that address obstacles to education.

Housing and Transportation

There was also the struggle to find affordable and accessible housing for many. “I need to stay in a rented little room distant from the campus, this increases the cost for traveling daily” (P4). One participant stated: “[Transportation] is very unreliable, I always end up late or miss taking classes” (Participant 9). These logistic challenges added to the economic and academic burdens of climate-induced migrating youth.

The social class position of the participants played a major role in both their access to and potential engagement with HE. Strain on finances, work, restricted access to scholarships, and housing and transportation struggles all converged to influence a complex terrain of obstacles faced by participants on a day-to-day basis.

Access and preparedness for education

The respondents highlighted that discontinuation, obstacles for admission, lack of institutional support, and difficulties in digital literacy were affecting their preparedness for higher education. It was these factors that shaped their academic confidence and engagement.

Prior Academic Disruptions

Some participants had interrupt schooling by migrating or displacement related to climate. “We had to move out of our village after the cyclone and I lost one year of school” (Participant 1). One participant explained, “Having to switch schools several times meant I had holes in my learning, particularly in science and math” (Participant 3). Occasionally these interruptions meant learners were not adequately prepared academically for undergraduate study.

Admission Barriers

Self-reported deterrents to qualifying or doing well on the entrance test included challenges in meeting eligibility requirements. I studied a different syllabus from the exam that I wrote at my previous school so I had problems (Participant 5). One participant said, “One time I moved & missed the deadline to register; those rules are hard and fast” (Participant 6). The barriers to entry were a source of stress and questioning for the members studying their route into higher education.

Support from Schools and Colleges

Some youthful participants identified the lack of preparatory orientation or bridging programmes. No one informed us about what subjects to base upon and how to prepare for university (Participant 2). Another thing said was, “Some colleges do have an orientation, but it is not long enough and does not benefit the students such as me” (Participant 8). Limited institutional assistance restricted participants’ capacity to effectively negotiate academic demands.

Digital Literacy and Resources

Participants had varying accessibility to technology and online resources for learning. “I don’t have laptop at home so it’s difficult to attend online class” (Participant 4). One participant expressed that “Even if I borrow a smartphone, the poor network makes it difficult to meet the due for assignments” (Participant 9). Lack of or poor digital resources impacted on both learning continuity and performance.

Challenges related to access and preparedness for education augmented the challenges experienced by climate-induced migrant youth. Academic disruptions before Avery's current level of transfer, crowded admission processes (which ought to be more flexible) and lack of institutional support, digital literacy and so on became obstacles that molded both the chances and the experience of attending higher education.

Mental and Emotional Health

Participants described how displacement, adapting to new environments and social dynamics impacted on their mental health and emotions. Stress, belonging, coping, and motivation played a role in their success trajectory in higher education.

Stress and Anxiety

A number of participants reported a high degree of stress related to migration and having to cope with new academic environments. “I'm always concerned that I won't be able to fit in with my peers since I've moved here” (P1). Another stated, “the uncertainty about a roof over my head and finances brings in anxiety, it gets tough to focus” (Participant 4). Stress and anxiety were frequent barriers affecting performance at college and in life in general.

Sense of Belonging

Participants also had mixed feelings of inclusion in their institutions. “I feel like a stranger, because the majority of the students here are from the local folks” (Student 3). However, several reported positive experiences: “[Suddenly] some [my] classmates help me when I am lost, and I see that I am part of them” (Participant 7). They identified as insiders or outsiders in relation to their social and academic participation.

Coping Mechanisms

Some of the interviewees reported coping with stress and emotional issues. “I can talk to my friends, who know what I am going through; it gives me motivation” (Participant 2). "I concentrate on small goals and if there is an improvement I celebrate; sometimes counseling helps but not that much" (Participant 6). Coping was a way of dealing with stressors in order to cope and well-being.

Motivation and Aspirations

In the face of adversity, participants were determined to gain access to post-secondary education. “I want to complete my studies and get a good job for supporting my family” (Participant 5). One participant said, “I did not give up learning even after shifting too many places; hopes are the education for me” (Participant 9). ‘If I had to stay with the level of knowledge of my elders, I would not have survived’: persistence through social and economic struggles Motivation and aspirations motivated persistence despite social, academic, and emotional obstacles.

Mental health was an important aspect of experiences of playing. Stress and anxiety, variable belonging, reliance on coping, and perseverance were some of the key forces that shaped the ways that climate migrant youth worked with higher education.

Institutional Support and Policy

Participants emphasized the impact of institutional arrangements, governmental policies and NGO programs on their opportunities to pursue higher education. Their academic experiences and the support services, efficacy of the policy and curricular adaptability were, together, a part of what they experienced and used to work through situations.

University Support Services

Some participants described insufficient or patchy access to university support services. “There is a counselling service, [however] there is a long waiting list, and they do not cover issue relevant to migrant students” (P1). One expressed this sentiment: “I wish there were someone that could mentor us on acceptance and class selection…” (Participant 4). Participants were academically and socially hindered by the lack of consistent support services.

Government Policies

Participants raised concerns about the inadequacy of existing national policies for climate-induced migrants. “There are rules, but I can’t see any real help for students like me on the paper” (P2). We don’t usually get the scholarships and help; that’s for students in town [Participant 5]). Weak government structures had meant young people were largely left to fend for themselves in their quest for higher education.

NGO Interventions

NGOs rendered important though sometimes scattered help. “I was supported by an NGO to pay for my tuition for one semester; the support helped me to keep going with my studies” (Participant 3). One participant expressed: They provide the workshops for developing your skills, but it’s extremely limited and not everyone can engage (Participant 6). Although useful, NGO programmes were erratic and could not adequately fill the gap in places of institutional or policy vacuum.

Flexibility in Curriculum and Attendance

Displaced students were rarely accommodated by institutions. “It’s not all lecturers that give deduction for lateness, and it is one of the stressful ones if they do” (Participant 7). Another participant wrote, “Allow students in my position where we have work and transportation issues an opportunity with a more lenient attendance policy” (Participant 9). Inflexibility of curriculum restricted the capacity of migrant youth to negotiate competing factors.

Institutional support and policy context, broadly, were notable influences on the experiences of participants. Both university services, government policy, and NGO intervention assisted, however gaps and inconsistencies affected effective care. Flexibility in terms of curricula and attendance was identified as important areas for institutions to be more supportive of climate-induced migrant youth.

Social and Community Networks

Community connections and support were particularly important in the experience of participants’ pursuit of higher education. Peer relations, family support, community-based organizations, and experiences of discrimination generated either an experience of belonging and resilience or an experience of exclusion.

Peer Relationships

Friendships and classmates’ networks were central in supporting participants’ adjustment. “My friends help me with notes and the classes I missed.” (Participant 1). As one respondent expressed, “It helps to talk to others who experience the same difficulties and know I’m not alone” (Participant 4). The role of peer support for both academic, and emotional adjustment was identified.

Community Organizations

Local groups of young people and cultural associations also lent support. “A youth group in my town supported me with detailed application advice and career guidance” (Participant 3). One participant stated, “I had tutoring through the community that really helped me get on track academically” (Participant 7). Community involvement provided practical support and a community of others.

Discrimination and Social Exclusion

A few of those in the sample were subjected to biases or discriminatory treatment in education. “Teachers, at times, behave differently to us, only because we are migrants; that doesn’t seem fair” (Participant 5). One said, "Classmates think we're less intelligent and working in groups is then stressful" (Participant 9). Racist discrimination and social exclusion destroyed self-confidence and inhibited integration results.

Social and community networks were important to the respondents. Peer support, family encouragement and community involvement helped with acculturation and tenacity, while discrimination and social isolation created barriers to inclusion in HE.

Discussion

Drawing from these narratives, the education trajectories of climate-induced migrant youth in coastal Bangladesh illustrate how the interplay between the structural, psychological and social factors collectively work to shape how young people get in to higher education. The findings of this study shed light on how climate displacement magnifies educational disparities and generates novel obstacles for these disadvantaged individuals.

The socioeconomic factors identified in this research are consistent with Rahman and Akter (2021) which found displaced young people experience the doubling of disadvantage to higher education, which concern a selected disadvantaged access and financial barrier, and an interrupted economic stability. The participants' stories of losing family based agricultural livelihoods and assets as a result of climate event loss, sets in motion a waterfall of educational obstacles that go beyond immediate economic necessities. These data confirm the results of Haque et al. 's (2022) claim that climate-driven migration disrupts the logic of family resources as educational investments are weighed against short-term survival needs. The deteriorations in the traditional livelihood systems that this study have captured are a microcosm of larger processes that Karim and Chowdhury (2023) has found, when climate displacement disrupts the intergenerational knowledge exchange and economic sufficiency upon which youth education heavily relies.

Education access and preparedness in particular were complex issues with participants wrestling with institutional blockades that do not cater for their displaced position. These experiences mirror UNESCO’s (2021) report of structural marginalisation of displaced people from formal education. These documented discrepancies in academic preparedness are consistent with Ahmed et al. ‘s (2020) study into educational disruption among communities affected by climate change, in which periods of temporary displacement led to cumulative learning gaps that become magnified. The institutional rigidity reported here reflects wider issues as discussed by Hassan and Khan (2022) of a system not fit-for-purpose to accommodate climate-displaced young people.

The mental health challenges identified in this study starkly exposed the psychological and emotional well-being effects of climate displacement on educational aspirations. Participants' experiences of trauma and anxieties about uncertain futures echo Roy and Begum's (2021) work on climate-induced psychological distress among Bangladeshi young people. The reported loss of social identity and sense of belonging support Sharma and colleagues (Sharma et al. (2023) insight with regards to the psychological dislocation of weather refugees. These mental health difficulties also erect further obstacles to educational involvement, as Thompson and Wilson (2020) remark on the extent to which unaddressed trauma undermines the potential to learn and the motivation to learn.

Deficiencies were observed in institutional backing and policy structure, and it was noted that participants encountered a system ill-equipped for their particular requirements. The lack of targeted support mechanisms mirrors wider policy failings outlined by UNESCO (2021) in relation to climate-displaced populations’ educational requirements. This non-alignment of the education institutions and the climate adaptation policies is consistent with the discovery by Rahman et al. (2022) on piecemeal responses to climate migration challenges. Such institutional gaps sustain educational exclusion and restrict the abilities of climate-displaced children to re-establish their lives through education.

Social and community networks provided supports and constraints to participants in their engagement with education. "Social Wealth and inequality in scientific productivity and research funding in a large US State University System Begum and Islam's (2023) finding of the significance of peer support and community connections is supported by matching earlier research on the role of social capital in climate adaptation strategies. Yet the analysis also showed how displacement undermines established networks of support, adding to their vulnerability, as Mahmud and colleagues have shown. (2021). The dilemma of retaining cultural ties while assimilating into new academic settings mirrors wider struggles of displaced populations when it comes to identity and belonging.

The lessons of these studies go beyond individual experiences to raise wider policy and organizational implications. The identified barriers indicate an emerging imperative for climate-compatible education policies that acknowledge and cater for the unique difficulties confronting climate-displaced youth. Inclusion of climate displacement concerns in higher education access policies is a very important step towards educational equity as Chowdhury and Rahman (2023) also emphasized. In addition, there is increasing recognition of the importance of trauma-informed educational strategies in the wake of reported psychosocial effects of climate displacement on children's ability to learn and to be engaged in education.

Conclusion

This analysis of climate-displaced migrant youth experiences of accessing higher education in coastal Bangladesh exposes a crisis to which we need to respond urgently and holistically. Results These findings reveal interlocking economic, educational, psychological and social barriers for displacement, which fundamentally complicate traditional approaches to higher education access and support.

The research adds to the literature on climate change as a threat multiplier (UNESCO, 2016) by showing how deep-seated educational inequalities escalate while new vulnerabilities for displaced populations emerge. Based on the accounts of the twelve case study contributors, we draw attention to systemic inadequacies in response to climate-displaced youth’s educational needs, and urgency for climate-responsive educational frameworks.

The practical implications of the study To address both the immediate survival and long-term educational aspirations of climate-displaced youths, integrated policy responses are required. Universities need to be able to respond to the unique needs of displaced students, ranging from flexible admissions policies, to trauma-informed care services, to climate migration-specific bursary schemes. In light of the evidential significance of social ties, community support systems should be incorporated into institutions' responses to improve access and retention.

Policy implications from this analysis point to the importance of joint responses between the education, climate adaptation and migration sectors. The establishment of climate-displaced youth education support programs, the incorporation of climate into higher education policing, and the establishment of inter-institutional coordination mechanisms are important next steps. Moreover, the psychosocial difficulties reported in this study point demand for mental health services in schools attended by displaced students.

In the future, studies should investigate long-term education achievements for climate displaced children and the impact of specific targeted interventions. Limitations of the study It is limited to a single region in coastal Bangladesh and a confined number of participants which may affect generalizability of the results, thus opportunities remain for larger cross-sectional research across varying climate-vulnerable sites and numbers of participant.

This study suggests that engaging with climate-induced migration and how it impacts the education of young people needs to consider climate-induced displacement as the educational equity problem it is, with calls for creative, unified, and empathetic actions to be found in the education sector, within policy making, and among communities alike.

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