Religion Influence on Disaster Risk Reduction: A case study of Serbia

1. Introduction

The impossibility of preventing and predicting natural hazards caused continuous anxiety and fear among people. Nature, for the man of that time, represented something great and inexplicable for the man of that time the myth of Noah's Ark, ancient human communities felt powerless before its destructive effects (Korstanje, 2019). One example is the Aboriginal culture, in which disasters have been attributed to gods and deities since time immemorial, and all events in nature are perceived as punishments and revenge for their sins, i.e. violated moral codes (Korstanje, 2019). Such examples can also be found in Slavic mythology – Perun punishes with thunderbolts, while in Greece, Poseidon reprimands with waves (Dragnea, 2013). By offering sacrifices and gifts, a man tried to appease the wrath of the gods and satisfy their will (Harl, 1990).

Religion is a set of human norms and values based on faith in something more than human authority – faith in an order that transcends human authority (Harari, 2019). To unite vast expanses, religion must follow a comprehensive order that transcends human authority and extends belief to all men. Therefore, it must be comprehensive and missionary in order to unite the vast expanses. Islam and Buddhism are two examples of such religions. Ancient religions were limited to a small geographical area and were exclusive. These religions, in addition to money, make a key contribution to the unification of humanity (Harari, 2019).

In different religions, similar deities exist in parallel, as well as similar behaviors of people. Thus, Slavs celebrate God Perun – God of thunder, sky and atmosphere; Greeks Poseidon – God of the sea; Scandinavians – God of the sea Aegir; Polynesians - Earthquake God Mafuia (Adeney-Risakotta, 2009). The testimonies of survivors of disasters and various prophecies are recorded in epics, fairy tales and holy books; for example, the Biliblia describes various disasters over time, from solar eclipses and the Great Flood to hail and storms. In addition to the Bible, the phenomenon of the Flood is also mentioned in the Epic of Gilgamesh, the Indian Mahabharata and the Greek Deucalion (Hossieni, 2018). The fear of water and floods, which today are one of the most frequent and devastating natural disasters, originates from myths and legends. With the development of human society, there have been changes in the perception of the world and the environment. Thus, people begin to see specific patterns and cycles in nature, seasons, create calendars, etc. The desire for survival necessarily led to adapting to nature, following cycles and changes.

Natural hazards are primarily the result of the action of natural forces, but an increasing share in their generation nowadays is also attributed to the human factor (Sherry & Curtis, 2017). Through inadequate management of natural resources, continuous and increasingly serious pollution of air, soil and water, man contributes to the occurrence of various disasters, from landslides to nuclear disasters, climate and relief changes. Despite this, deity-enhanced explanations of natural hazards are still present to some extent around the world (Kulatunga, 2010). For example, there is a noticeable tendency in Christianity to describe actual and potential victims in theistic terms, even when they are familiar with alternative scientific achievements and explanations; "Theodicy" is a term that describes an attempt to reconcile God's love, justice and omnipotence with human sacrifice and suffering (Chester, 2005).

Disaster risk perception is a multidimensional concept for understanding which information on how to interpret disaster misunderstanding conditions is imperative (Stumpf et al., 2017). For example, the very decision to evacuate in the response phase to a natural disaster is primarily determined by risk perception (Kinateder et al., 2015). The factors that participate in the process of forming risk perception are numerous. The social community to which an individual belongs, including its cultural framework, is undoubtedly one of them (Schmidt, 2004). Thus, people's perceptions of natural, spiritual and social phenomena are socially constructed categories. Social perception is important because it helps people understand and interact with the physical and social world (Bempah & Øyhus, 2017). The psychological connection between religions and disasters is manifested in the adaptation or tolerance of negative events in religious persons, in three ways (Bentzen, 2019): maintaining closeness to God, nurturing a sense of meaning and purpose in life; participation in various religious adjustment activities, committing minor sins, participating in the work of church groups; searching for reasons for certain events, tragedies that are God's work, God's punishment, etc.

1.1. Literary review

During the past few years, the role of religion in disaster management has attracted the attention of researchers (Gianisa & Le De, 2018), although research on this topic in domestic literature is still scarce. The relationship between human behavior and perception has long been documented (Bempah & Øyhus, 2017), and the belief system of individuals is one of the dominant factors that influence the way of interpreting and responding to disaster risks (Sherry & Curtis, 2017). These socio-cognitive patterns are of particular importance for the phase of prevention and preparedness, because they can shed light on certain behaviors of the population and their attitude towards disaster risks. However, there is no consensus in the literature as to the nature of this effect. For example, one discourse emphasizes the positive role of religion in disaster conditions and after it (Sun & Han, 2018), while others indicate that religion can generate a low perception of disaster risk (Sachdeva, 2017) and fatalistic attitudes in the face of such events (Gianisa & Le De, 2018).

According to one theory, new generations of young people are more educated than previous generations, which reduces their commitment to religion and its practice (Arias-Vazquez, 2012). However, Schwadel (2015) emphasizes that the negative effect of education on the scale of religiosity should be taken with a grain of salt, bearing in mind that there is significant variation among nations, and that this effect is most pronounced in nations that are relatively religious. Therefore, when mitigating the effect of education on the level of religiosity, it is vital to know the national context. On the other hand, in the literature we come across theories that claim that young people become more religious with the passage of years in life, especially when they have children (Bengtson, Silverstein, Putney, & Harris, 2015; Gallagher, 2007). When it comes to young people, the most important predictors of religiosity appear to be church attendance during high school by peers and ethnicity. Also, the role of gender, place of residence, religious education and church attendance during childhood, mother's religiosity and mother's attitude towards religious education during childhood, as the primary religious role model in childhood, is not negligible (Gunnoe & Moore, 2002).

Gianisa and Le De (2018) indicate that religious customs and beliefs influence the connection of people in the local community and lead to successful coping with disasters. The role of religious communities is particularly prominent in eliminating gaps in response and recovery, especially when external intervention is inadequate or insufficient (Gianisa & Le De, 2018). Through religion, people get support, collective thinking and response to specific dangers are formed. In most countries, there are multiple religions and religious communities. All of them show both similar and their own specific behavior. Spiritual beliefs positively affect health, increasing optimism and reducing depression, substance use and abuse, suicide, and risky behavior (Weber & Pargament, 2014; Abdel-Khalek & Lester, 2007). The benefits of religion on mental health are also reflected in encouraging forgiveness, gratitude and compassion, a sense of belonging and easier coping with stressful events. In addition, the results of the study conducted by McFarland (2010) are significant, indicating that men derive more mental health benefits from religious engagement than women, as well as that men who are highly religiously engaged have significantly better mental health. from other men.

Starting from the previously elaborated, the aim of this paper is a scientific description of the influence of various aspects of religion on the effectiveness of disaster risk reduction policy, as well as the way in which religious beliefs, motives and fatalistic attitudes shape the perception of the risk of natural disasters. In this way, it contributes to existing debates about the nature of the role of religious elements in the practice of disaster response and recovery.

2. Materials and Methods

The goal of the research is a scientific description of the nature of the relationship between the degree of religiosity of citizens in the area of Belgrade and different segments of disaster risk reduction, including their readiness to respond, providing assistance to others and the state, support for the involvement of religious institutions in disaster management processes, and predictors of disaster risk perception in the domain of religion. The explicative goal of the research involves elucidating the ways in which religious factors shape awareness of the risks of natural disasters. The paper is based on a general hypothesis according to which there is an influence of the perception of religiosity on attitudes about reducing the risk of disasters, that is, preparedness and resilience. Specific hypotheses arise from the general hypothesis: there is an influence of religiosity on attitudes about preparedness for disasters; there is an influence of religiosity on citizens' attitudes about resilience to disasters; there is an influence of religiosity on undertaking disaster risk reduction measures.

2.1. Basic Characteristics of Respondents

The sample included a total of 250 respondents in the area of Belgrade. In accordance with the proportional representation of the sexes in the Republic of Serbia, the sample consisted mostly of female respondents (62.8%), while members of the male population represented 37.2% in the sample. In relation to the age of the respondents, it was determined that the largest number of respondents belonged to the age group of up to 50 (32.8%) and up to 30 years of age (33.2%). Then, 63 respondents (25.2%) included in the sample are up to 40 years old (25.2%), while 22 respondents (8.8%) are in the over 50-year-old category. When it comes to the level of education, it was determined that the smallest number of respondents (3.2%) have completed doctoral studies, while, on the contrary, the largest number of respondents have secondary education (40%). Then, 40 respondents (16%) stated that they had completed higher education, 60 respondents (24%) had completed basic academic studies, while 42 respondents (16.8%) reported completed master's academic studies. Furthermore, it was determined that the largest number of respondents included in the sample achieved an excellent (48.4%) and a very good average (42%) during their secondary education. In addition, 4 respondents (1.6%) achieved a sufficient average, while 20 respondents (8%) pointed out that they achieved a good general average during secondary education. Regarding the current marital status of the respondents, the results indicate that 64 respondents (25.6%) are not in an emotional relationship, 48 respondents (19.2%) are in a relationship, 20 respondents (8%) are engaged, 106 respondents (42.4 %) is married, 8 respondents (3.2%) are divorced, while 4 respondents (1.6%) belong to the widow/widow category. When asked about their current employment status, 198 respondents (79.2%) indicated that they were employed, while 52 respondents (20.8%) were unemployed. The answers to the question about the amount of average monthly income that respondents earn indicate that 5.6% earn incomes up to 25,000 dinars, 20.8% up to 50,000 dinars, 74 respondents (29.6%) up to 75,000 dinars, while the incomes of 29.6% reach over 90,000 dinars on a monthly basis. Also, 14.4% pointed out that they have no personal monthly income.

2.3. Questionnaire Design

In order to create the questionnaire, questions from previous research (Merli, 2012; Ha, 2012; Aten et al., 2019; Feener & Daly, 2016; Adiyoso & Kanegae, 2013) on the impact of religiosity on disaster risk reduction were used. After detailed analyses, starting from the operational definition of disaster risk reduction, individual questions and adaptations to the designed research were adapted. The survey questionnaire consists of 30 questions, which include questions about the basic demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the respondents, as well as a special part related to the subject of the research. Before starting the research, a pilot study was conducted with the aim of determining their comprehensibility to all annexed persons of different socioeconomic characteristics.

2.4. Analyses

The data obtained in the survey were entered into the statistical program SPSS (Statistical package for social sciences). After that, a data check was performed in order to eliminate possible errors when entering the answer. The collected data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, and the frequency and percentage were determined. In the next step, the obtained data were crossed, i.e., the demographic characteristics of the respondents with the perception of risk, e.g., the connection between the level of education of the respondents and the preparedness for earthquakes. T-test and One-way ANOVA were used to examine the relationship between the variables and the earthquake risk perception. All tests were two-tailed, with a significance level of p<0.05. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS Statistic 17.0 (IBM SPSS Statistics, New York, United States).

4. Discussion

Regarding the relationship between fatalistic attitudes and reaction to disasters, we find evidence in the literature that mystical stories and fatalistic beliefs have a negative impact on the perception of disasters (they encourage people to take more risks and not take protective measures) (Kouabenan, 1998). In our research, the results are divided. While 42.% of the respondents believe that religious stories and myths can inhibit an adequate response in the face of disasters, 48.4% disagree with that view. On the other hand, the majority of respondents (52.4%) of our study reject fatalistic beliefs, e.g. that only true believers will be protected from the effects of disasters, as well as the understanding that the causes of natural disasters rest solely in the will and wrath of God. Nevertheless, respondents to the greatest extent (43.6%) emphasized the importance of religious beliefs in shaping the perception of disaster risk. Aksa, Utaya, Bachri and Handoyo (2020) found that higher levels of fatalistic attitudes cause lower risk perceptions of natural disasters, and that fatalism can lead to a lack of disaster preparedness.

When it comes to improving the preparedness of the population by integrating the efforts of disaster managers and religious leaders, the largest percentage of respondents pointed out that they would moderately improve risk reduction practices. In contrast, Sheikhi et al. (2021) found that religious communities have a key role and contribution to disaster mitigation. The claim that people turn to God only in difficult moments of life was evaluated positively in our research. Similarly, a study conducted by Bentzen et al. (2019) indicates that people resort to religion to a greater extent when overcoming major challenges and problems, such as illness, death of a family member, and various threats to life. In addition, the respondents of our study to the greatest extent believe that religious attributes represent a resource that can motivate preparatory actions and improve the psychological resistance of individuals and society to natural disasters.

Regarding the relationship between fatalistic attitudes and reactions to disasters, there is evidence in the literature that mystical stories and fatalistic beliefs have a negative impact on the perception of disasters, that is, they encourage people to take more risks and not take protective measures (Kouabenan, 1998). In our research, the results are divided. While 42% of respondents believe that religious stories and myths can inhibit an adequate response in disaster conditions, 48.4% disagree with that view. On the other hand, the majority of respondents (52.4%) of our study reject fatalistic beliefs, e.g. that only true believers will be protected from the effects of disasters, as well as the understanding that the causes of natural disasters rest solely in the will and wrath of God. Nevertheless, the respondents emphasized to the greatest extent the importance of religious beliefs in shaping the perception of the risk of disasters. Aksa et al. (2020) found that higher levels of fatalistic attitudes cause lower risk perceptions of natural disasters, and that fatalism can lead to a lack of disaster preparedness.

When it comes to improving the preparedness of the population by integrating the efforts of disaster managers and religious leaders, the largest percentage of respondents pointed out that they would moderately improve risk reduction practices. In contrast, Sheikhi et al. (2021) found that religious communities have a key role and contribution to disaster mitigation. The claim that people turn to God only in difficult moments of life was evaluated positively in our research. Similarly, in one of the studies (Bentzen, 2019) it was found that people resort to religion to a greater extent when overcoming major challenges and problems, such as illness, death of a family member and various threats to life. In addition, the respondents of our study to the greatest extent believe that religious attributes represent a resource that can motivate preparatory actions and improve the psychological resistance of individuals and society to natural disasters. Further analyzes revealed the existence of a statistically significant relationship between gender and the following observed variables: degree of own fear; claims that the human factor contributes to the occurrence of disasters; of the view that religious beliefs determine perception; disasters bring out the best in people; true believers are protected from disasters; the importance of including religious institutions in risk reduction programs. When it comes to the gender gap, it was found that women rate their level of fear to a greater extent than men. Such results are consistent with a large number of other empirical studies devoted to the gender issue of disaster risk perception (Cvetković, Öcal, & Ivanov, 2019; Cvetković & Sandić, 2016; Khan, Rana, & Nawaz, 2020). In addition to the explanations that rest in the social roles of women, the availability of more modest resources in the household compared to men (due to which the fear of losing them is greater) and greater physical vulnerability (Holgersson, Sahovic, Saveman, & Björnstig, 2016; Ho et al., 2008), it is important to point out a certain reluctance of men brought up in our culture to openly express weaknesses, such as fear.

In addition, women to a greater extent believe that the human factor contributes to the occurrence of disasters to a greater extent, and that it is not God's work; then, they emphasize to a greater extent that religious beliefs determine the perception of risk; they bring out the best in people; point out that true believers will be protected from disasters; point out that there is a greater importance of including religious institutions in disaster risk reduction programs. Here, it is important to state the implications of the study (Sohrabizadeh, Jahangiri, & Khani Jazani, 2018), which unequivocally indicate that women are more influenced by religion than men and that it is necessary to encourage their role in strengthening the positive effects of religiosity.

The research results also showed that there is a statistically significant correlation between age and the following variables: the claim that people turn to God only in difficult moments; disasters bring out the best in people; that natural disasters are the work of God. Namely, further analyzes show that with increasing age, support for the position that people turn to God, only in difficult moments, decreases. Then, it was found that with increasing age, support for the view that disasters bring out the best emotions in people also increases. In the end, it was established that with the growth of years, the support for the position that disasters are God's work also increases. The existence of differences in attitudes towards disasters among different age groups is also found by other research (Nakao, Kawasaki, & Ohnishi, 2019).

In the end, a statistically significant connection between marital status and the following observed variables was determined: religious beliefs determine risk perception; relying on God's protection; disasters bring out the best emotions in people; disasters are God's messages. Further analyzes show that the respondents with a higher education degree mostly point out that religious beliefs determine the perception of risk. On the other hand, respondents with a high school diploma mostly emphasize that in disasters, people rely on God's protection, that disasters bring out the best emotions from people, and that disasters are God's message. These results are not surprising, given that educational attainment is one of the most significant predictors of disaster risk perception (Lee, Markowitz, Howe, Ko, & Leiserowitz, 2015).