2.1. Urban Decay and Urban Vitality in Urban Studies
While cities continuously and independently renew themselves Lefebvre [
8], societies, spaces, regions, and even entire cities that fail to regenerate become focal points of decline. Although the concept of “urban decay” is often perceived primarily as physical deterioration and the formation of obsolete spaces, it fundamentally reflects a socio-economic condition [
9]. In rapidly growing cities, new developments often conceal impoverished, neglected, and disorderly areas. These areas, which urban residents tend to avoid and gradually attempt to eliminate, are defined as “urban decay” [
4,
10]. Urban decay refers to spaces that undergo morphological transformation as a result of losing their functions and negatively affecting urban identity [
5]. Problems arising from poor planning at the neighborhood or district scale, as well as voids created by various other factors, are defined as urban voids [
11]. Areas that become vacant and lose their economic vitality often turn into abandoned and distressed environments. These spaces are typically occupied by low-income residents or migrants seeking affordable housing [
4]. Urban vacancy has become one of the most prevalent urban issues today, affecting cities and specific neighborhoods differently depending on local conditions [
12]. Doron [
13] argues that urban voids are never truly empty; rather, they possess historical layers, are used by different groups, and exist as suspended spaces.
Over time, vandalism in such areas may increase crime rates and erode social cohesion [
14]. According to the “broken windows” theory, visible disorder in public space may contribute to more serious crimes and deepen urban decline [
15]. Urban decay thus encompasses multidimensional processes involving social, economic, and physical regression [
16].
Urban decay thus encompasses multidimensional processes involving social, economic, and physical regression [
17,
18]. Slums are typically characterized by physically deteriorated environments, high population density, and social isolation [
19]. The concept of the ghetto intersects social and spatial exclusion and was first defined by sociologist Louis Wirth [
20], who emphasized the distinct social life of marginalized communities. In contrast, suburbs emerged as planned responses to rapid industrial urbanization, often shaped by state policies [
21].
Although these concepts reflect forms of socio-spatial segregation, they differ from one another. Urban decay areas are distinct from slums that emerge as a result of urban housing shortages [
22]. Residents of urban decay areas often live primarily for survival, without expectations of full integration into the broader urban system. In contrast, slum areas have been described as places where hope begins. Individuals migrating from rural to urban areas often do so in pursuit of better opportunities in health, education, and employment, striving to improve their living conditions [
21]. Nevertheless, slums and decay areas share adverse living conditions, such as poor building quality and aesthetics, inadequate infrastructure, insufficient public amenities (parks, schools, hospitals), and social isolation from the broader urban context. Residents of these areas frequently experience economic, social, cultural, political, and spatial exclusion. Factors such as youth, low educational attainment, migrant status, prolonged unemployment, lack of social security, and economic insecurity intensify feelings of exclusion. When such characteristics become concentrated within a neighborhood, a broader sense of marginalization may emerge, often accompanied by deepening poverty processes [
23].
As urbanization accelerates globally, housing shortages continue to grow, triggering socio-spatial segregation [
22]. Ghettos are characterized by distinctive social structures formed through ethnic, political, or religious exclusion. Slums result from rapid internal migration and informal construction, whereas suburbs emerge as planned residential areas, often shaped by state policies and post-colonial migration processes [
21,
24]. Unlike ghettos and suburbs, slums are distinguished by residents’ efforts to claim permanence and gradually improve their living conditions [
21]. Thus, slums denote unplanned and necessity-driven settlements, ghettos reflect exclusion-based spatial segregation, and suburbs represent voluntary or policy-driven separation. In such areas, processes such as population decline, building aging, and housing inadequacy may lead to urban decay [
25]. As residents relocate from historic city centers to areas offering better living conditions, central housing stock may become vacant, leading to physical deterioration, functional decline, and value loss. Urban decay consequently results in declining property values, unemployment, crime, and security concerns, ultimately exerting negative long-term impacts on national economies [
4,
26].
Arabacıoğlu and Yılmaz [
27] argue that when the unique identity and urban fabric of a city cannot be preserved, decay areas undergo physical deterioration, become obsolete, and are eventually forgotten. Decay areas may arise at building, regional, or urban scales and evolve through layered stages of existence, impact, collapse, abandonment, and eventual transformation [
9]. Işıkkaya emphasizes that three stages—stagnation, obsolescence, and aging—must sequentially occur for an area to be considered a decay zone. Political and economic crises further intensify these processes, while legal interventions often remain insufficient to fully resolve them. Aytaç [
28] conceptualizes the formation of decay areas through four stages: physical aging, deterioration, obsolescence, and ultimately urban regeneration.
Although individual studies emphasize different variables, most approaches converge on the notion that economic and functional weakening precede physical and social deterioration. Some decay areas may eventually enter a revitalization phase. As illustrated in
Figure 1, decay areas emerge through identifiable stages and may develop at structural, regional, or urban scales. Initially, the physical form and social processes interact dynamically; however, as this interaction weakens, stagnation occurs. Over time, changing social, economic, and physical conditions lead to building aging and population decline, marking the obsolescence stage. With further deterioration of the physical environment and disintegration of the social fabric, the area enters collapse and eventual abandonment. Urban regeneration may reintegrate such areas into the city, breaking the cycle of decline and fostering renewed social cohesion and sense of place [
29].
Urban vitality holds critical importance for urban life. The health, social, economic, and environmental values of a place collectively reflect its overall quality. Vitality, beginning at the street scale, directly influences urban quality of life [
30]. Jacobs [
31] argued that isolated and lifeless urban spaces devoid of human presence were being produced and introduced the concept of “eyes on the street” in The Death and Life of Great American Cities as a sociological framework. She defined urban vitality as the diversity of activities and intensity of human presence in specific spaces such as streets and sidewalks. By emphasizing sidewalks as the primary elements of urban life, Jacobs suggested that pedestrian activity and visual surveillance from building windows contribute to street safety. She maintained that a vibrant and well-functioning city requires density (of people and buildings), diversity (a mix of old and new buildings and mixed uses), interaction, and permeability [
31]. In large urban areas, promoting diversity, improving accessibility, and minimizing spatial voids are essential to encourage pedestrian activity and foster safe, high-quality built environments.
Lynch, in Good City Form, identified vitality as one of five fundamental dimensions of a good city, alongside sense, fit, access, and control. He considered vitality a primary condition for sustaining quality of life, relating it to the extent to which urban environments support human needs and capabilities. A safe environment enables diverse activities and enhances overall well-being [
32]. Maas [
33] conceptualized urban vitality through three components: people in public space, their activities, and the physical environment in which these activities occur. He associated vitality with diversity, uniqueness, social interaction, and the scale and diversity of pedestrian populations. Montgomery [
34] argued that urban vitality emerges from the interaction between people’s activities and the diversity of urban functions, forming the foundation for sustainable and safe cities. Gehl [
35] emphasized that social activities in public space positively influence urban environments, defining vitality as the presence of everyday street life. Jin [
36] demonstrated a strong relationship between urban morphology and vitality through spatial regression analysis. More recently, Paköz and Işık [
37] examined the relationship between vitality, healthy environments, and density during the COVID-19 period, highlighting the importance of functional diversity. Eloah et al. [
38] suggested that urban vitality can be analyzed computationally in relation to place quality and urban morphology.
Urban vitality is examined in some studies under three main dimensions—social, economic, and cultural—while others also include environmental vitality. Rapidly growing cities and increasingly complex urban structures demonstrate that urban vitality is influenced not only by physical environmental factors but also by social and cultural dynamics. For this reason, urban vitality is currently regarded as an abstract yet complex concept encompassing multiple dimensions, including social, economic, and cultural components [
39]. Creating vitality in urban areas contributes to improving residents’ quality of life and promoting sustainable urban development. Accordingly, urban vitality holds significant importance for urban planning, development, and governance. It has been widely studied across disciplines such as urban studies, geography, sociology (human–space interactions, street life, and social dynamics), urban planning, economics, culture, and ecology [
40,
41]. This multidisciplinarity underscores the complexity of measuring urban vitality. Diverse human activities occurring at different times shape urban functions, which in turn sustain the dynamic character of urban areas and support their progression. The formation of a vibrant urban environment depends on well-designed urban morphology, appropriately developed urban functions that respond to residents’ needs, and a variety of opportunities that encourage active participation [
40].
The disappearance of factors that sustain urban vitality may create conditions conducive to urban decay. Within the scope of this study, the urban vitality literature suggests that decay areas are closely associated with very low levels of vitality. While vitality reflects dynamism and activity within an area, it simultaneously reveals degrees of stagnation and inactivity. Due to its abstract nature, measuring urban vitality remains challenging. Indicators of vitality reflect whether an area can be considered “vibrant” based on the interaction among various urban components. Ensuring vitality therefore requires spatially operationalizable parameters. In this context, recent analytical approaches in urban vitality research have been examined. The measurement criteria, applied methods, case study contexts, and scales of analysis used in each study were systematically classified. This process clarifies how measurable vitality indicators have been operationalized and provides the analytical foundation for the decision matrix developed in this research.
Jacobs and Montgomery identified key built environment characteristics influencing urban vitality, including mixed land use, building density, small block sizes, and intersection density [
31]. Beyond these earlier criteria, recent studies demonstrate that vitality measurement indicators have diversified and vary according to scale. Following Warnke’s [
42] area-based study, vitality assessments have been conducted at multiple scales—from city-wide analyses to neighborhood-level investigations—highlighting the increasing importance of scale-sensitive approaches in vitality research.