3. Discussion
By connecting Hamilton’s insight with an adjusted Becker’s Human Capital framework, we can see how kin-selection may be a more potent driving force of evolutionary change than previously recognized. Central to this proposal are two constructs (1) fitness capital – that is, an adaptive characteristic of an individual that can be built up by investment from others, and which contributes to how many resources the individual can later acquire and invest in others – and (2) altruism defined here as the degree to prefer to invest in kin. Such investment may constitute anything from simply sourcing and providing infants with more food rather than eating it themselves, to spending time and attention transmitting knowledge (e.g., teaching foraging skills) or even constructing tools or other extended phenotypes to pass on for the benefit of their children when they mature. Whether manifest in brain or brawn, the critical feature is that the trait being invested in improves proportional to investment, and that there is potential for the trait to build cumulatively. In a species where parents are motivated to invest altruistically in their offspring, genetic variation promoting altruism will tend to become correlated with prowess in acquiring resources for investment. Lineages that are more altruistic invest more in descendants. These descendants inherit both higher altruism and greater fitness capital, giving them more resources and motivation to invest in the next generation.
Other factors may act as force multipliers of this general effect such as when there the feedback guiding the parental decisions is psychological. Given generations overlap, altruistic parents may find it rewarding to observe signs that their children prosper, and so investing efforts can become reinforced accordingly. This extends the time horizons over which investment in a lineage can feedback to affect the motivation of parents, grandparents, and so forth. Another amplifier arises when mate choice is assortative on altruism. A male strongly motivated to invest in his children benefits by pairing with a female who is similarly motivated, and vice versa. Partnerships based on shared altruism increase the value placed on offspring investment and simultaneously command greater resources. As a result, descendants of these pairings inherit both higher altruism and higher fitness capital, further intensifying the cascade.
The decision to match and mate positively based on altruism or capital may initially be purely practical: matching based on either or both likely represent an unbeatable or stable strategy if they are complements in the total “utility” each couple jointly produces because, under such an arrangement, no partner can benefit from splitting and “remarrying” with another willing partner. If there is also genetic variation affecting preferences for partner characteristics indicating or correlated with altruism, then the process of assortative mating would build the correlation between genes for higher altruism and genes for preferring altruistic partners. This produces precisely the conditions that can make mate choice become a self-reinforcing amplifier of the process (i.e., Fisher’s runaway effect), potentially leading to sexual selection for signals of willingness to invest highly in offspring.
Another interesting complication we considered was genes in children affecting how receptive they are to their parents’ investments. We summarized this as “ability” and it also likely accelerates the process of altruism and fitness capital becoming linked. Parents should generally invest more in abler children because this yields higher overall returns than investing evenly across offspring. Although under some assumptions ability and investment may act like substitutes, it seems the most straightforward implication is that ability, altruism, and fitness capital all become positively intercorrelated. This means an increase in selection for or mating advantage of one of these characteristics will induce increase in the other characteristics as well.
The recursiveness of these forces is one of two critical features for understanding the implications of cascading fitness capital. The other is their complementarity in building adaptive fitness. Rank-ordered pairings of the varieties described, such as pairing mates high in the same attributes (whether capital or altruism) or by pairing higher ability with higher investment in the same bodies of offspring, maximizes both the total and average level of the resulting traits, compared to what would be produced from random sorting or negative sorting. Such arranging also increases variation, since pairing large multipliers produces disproportionately large outputs, while pairing smaller multipliers together produces little change. The outcome is greater disparity between lowest and highest levels of fitness capital across lineages. Thus, although the processes we have described do not assume any genetic change at the loci affecting the traits involved, it can produce large levels of phenotypic change and variation exposed to selection resulting from decisions parents make given the circumstances we have assumed. In this sense, it is like the “spatial sorting” effect described by Shine, Brown, & Phillips (2011a). An example of this is the invasive population of cane toads in Australia. Because leg length determines their rate of dispersal, genes for long legs tend to find themselves in bodies further out from where they were first introduced, while genes for the shortest legs tend to be left behind. This means that the longest legged toads naturally mate with each other, because that reflects a statistical bias automatically generated by the differences in speed of movement as the invasion proceeds to enter new territory. The result is an extreme skew in the distribution of leg length, much like what is predicted here for fitness capital and altruism. A parallel point about positive assortative mating potentially interacting with spatial sorting to build phenotypic variance has also been appreciated (Shine, Brown, & Phillips, 2011b). The processes we have considered likewise may generate large amounts of phenotypic change and variation and predict both a higher average level of altruistic effort toward kin and a more unequal distribution of fitness capital than would be predicted by simplistic interpretations of Hamilton’s rule. Although the model shows how phenotypic change can occur without shifts in allele frequencies, in practice genetic evolution will likely follow wherever greater fitness capital confers significant Darwinian advantage. If the advantage is strong, our framework identifies mechanisms by which phenotypic change — whether in fitness capital or parental altruism — could rise explosively.
One such consequence arises from the Fisher-Lande-like dynamics of assortative mating on altruism because these create ideal conditions for a distinctive form of Green Beard effect. When a preference allele is linked to an altruism allele, assortative mating allows carriers to preferentially pair with altruists and invest in those carrying the same gene, with the children carrying the green beard enjoying extra investment from both parents. Mathematically, the impact of this mechanism can be expressed as an additional positive term, added to the usual benefit in Hamilton’s rule. This “assortative mating bonus” allows elevated levels of altruism to spread in situations where conventional pedigree-based relatedness would not be sufficient. In nature, this mechanism may be vulnerable to cheaters, but, unlike other forms of Green Beards, we might expect it to be less vulnerable to recombination splitting the link between the green beard expression and preference or costs of detecting the green beard because, in this case, sexual selection would be continuously acting to mitigate these factors.
Previous research has shown that multi-generational effects, vertical cultural transmission, spatial population structure, and ecological interactions can shape the evolution of social traits and investment behaviours (e.g., Brown et al., 2009; Lehmann, 2008; Mullon & Lehmann, 2017; Van Cleve & Akçay, 2014). For instance, Mullon and Lehmann (2017) examine gene–culture co-evolution in family-structured populations, highlighting how vertically transmitted cultural information interacts with genetically determined learning behaviours. Their analysis demonstrates that vertical transmission can modestly increase adaptive information and constrain evolutionary branching, emphasizing kin structure in cultural evolution. While conceptually related, this framework focuses on cultural knowledge rather than direct fitness capital or altruistic traits, and it does not consider assortative mating or amplification of trait covariance across generations.
Lehmann (2008) investigated the evolution of niche-constructing traits whose phenotypic effects extend beyond the actor’s lifespan. By modelling spatially subdivided populations and the future fitness consequences of environmental modifications, he showed that selection can favour traits influencing subsequent generations. This resonates with our focus on multi-generational feedbacks, but our model emphasizes direct behavioural traits—altruism, parental investment, and mate choice—while avoiding the complexity of environmental or spatial dynamics. This simplification allows clearer predictions regarding trait covariance, amplification of altruism, and potential runaway selection.
Van Cleve and Akçay (2014) explore how behavioural responsiveness, genetic relatedness, and synergistic interactions jointly shape social evolution. Their results illustrate that these factors can produce feedbacks not easily captured by simple assortment indices. While our model shares the goal of understanding interaction-driven trait evolution, it abstracts from ecological or reciprocal dynamics to isolate heritable links among parental investment, mate choice, and offspring fitness capital, providing a tractable mechanism for generating positive correlations and potential runaway dynamics.
The main advantage of our framework is its combination of simplicity, interpretability, and predictive clarity. By linking parental investment, assortative mating, and heritable traits, it predicts: (i) the emergence of positive correlations between altruism and fitness capital, (ii) amplification of these correlations via assortative mating on altruism or ability, and (iii) conditions under which these mechanisms may generate runaway evolution, without requiring complex spatial or ecological modelling. Moreover, by bridging Becker’s economic models of parental investment with biological models of inclusive fitness and sexual selection (Hamilton, Fisher, Lande), it provides a unified perspective on multi-generational feedbacks. In sum, while prior work has explored gene–culture co-evolution, social synergy, and niche construction, our model identifies a parsimonious pathway by which behavioural traits, parental investment, and mate choice interact to generate accelerating evolutionary dynamics. By focusing on heritable variation, investment decisions, and mating preferences, it reproduces qualitative effects observed in previous studies while allowing transparent derivation of covariances, correlations, and potential for runaway evolution. This simplicity facilitates causal interpretation and generates broadly applicable, empirically testable predictions, including positive three-way correlations among altruism, ability, and offspring fitness.
3.1. Evidence and Implications
The present approach is compatible with existing formal approaches to kin selection. For example, the method outlined by Taylor and Frank (1996) shows how kin-selection models can be constructed by expressing evolutionary change in terms of marginal fitness effects of behavioural strategies. In such formulations, altruistic behaviours are usually treated as generating direct fitness benefits to recipients. The investment interpretation proposed here extends this approach by explicitly recognizing that altruistic acts may alter the recipient’s future productive capacity rather than providing an immediate fitness increment. Similarly, the formalization of inclusive fitness developed by Grafen (2009) interprets organisms as behaving as if they maximize an inclusive fitness objective. In the present model, parental investment decisions can be viewed as part of such an optimization process, where individuals allocate resources in ways that maximize inclusive fitness through the accumulation of fitness-relevant capital in relatives. Finally, recent ideas considering synergy and assortment in inclusive fitness dynamics (e.g., Jaffe, 2016), point to how interactions between social behaviours and population structure can generate strong evolutionary feedbacks. The investment processes explored here provide another mechanism through which such feedback may arise, particularly when altruistic investment interacts with ability differences or assortative mating.
All this is to say that the dynamics we have considered do not invalidate the classic Hamilton calculus, but it does mean that the variables involved may not be as obvious from observation as a naïve application of Hamilton’s rule would suggest. For instance, the benefit caused by altruistic acts, when seen as investment in fitness capital, may require inclusion of multigenerational and indirect returns – not only on the recipient’s survival or fecundity. The cost to the altruist is not simply the risk or effort involved, but the opportunity costs that can be moderated by the wider effects of the decision on the parent’s economy. This could include complementarities between what the parent is doing and with what the partner, and how this combines to determine their offspring’s fitness. Finally, the relatedness should be understood as what we have referred to as “effective relatedness”, because assortative mating and behavioural correlations can increase the probability that altruistic alleles interact with copies of themselves. This point is illustrated by the opportunity this system creates for otherwise rare “Green Beard” effects, which means genes that have an evolutionary incentive to invest more in the offspring produced by such a mating than the rest of the genome should prefer.
For similar reasons, replicating cultural elements (“memes”) may evolve that promote the selection of highly altruistic mates and encourage unusually high investment in offspring. All we need assume is that parents with such a “memetic parasite” are also more likely to install that meme in the children they invest so heavily in. More generally, we would expect that cultural and other epigenetic factors promoting investment in kin and relevant genetic aspects to become related and coevolve, as culture represents a significant channel through which much investment in human abilities flows. At minimum, kin-selection provides a strong rationale for Becker’s assumption of altruism and explains why relatedness should determine its parameters. The present analysis is consistent with evolutionary and cultural influences on altruism are likely mutually reinforcing, rather than mutually exclusive or antagonistic in human society. This contrasts with some earlier criticisms of attempts to apply kin-selection to understanding human behaviour. These often proceed as though evidence (or even the logical possibility of) cultural factors favouring an altruistic trait negate or preclude kin-selection interpretations (for example, see Gould, 1977, pp. 255-258).
The cascading effects described in this model also have implications for the concept of reproductive value. Reproductive value summarizes the expected long-term genetic contribution of individuals or classes within a structured population. In the present framework, investment raises an offspring’s stock of fitness capital, which in turn increases their expected reproductive success and the resources available to invest in subsequent generations. Fitness capital therefore acts as a determinant of reproductive value: individuals with greater fitness capital possess a higher expected downstream contribution to the gene pool. The discounting structure used in our model provides a bridge to this notion, in that the parameter governing how strongly parents weight the future effects of their investment effectively produces a discounted sum of downstream benefits across generations. Because fitness capital compounds through successive investments, this process resembles the reproductive-value weighting commonly used in kin-selection models. In structured population analyses, the fitness effects of altruistic acts are weighted by the reproductive values of the individuals who receive them (e.g., Taylor & Frank, 1996; Wild & Scott, 2023). In our model, the discount factor (
) together with the accumulation of fitness capital performs a closely analogous role by weighting the long-run consequences of investment across descendants, where
effectively increases the survival and fecundity components of the recipient’s reproductive value (
acts as a reproductive-value weighted sum of downstream benefits analogous to a reproductive-value–weighted sum of effects in kin-selection models). A useful distinction, however, is that in many kin-selection formulations reproductive value is treated as an exogenous or determined by the demographic structure of the population and therefore treated as fixed parameters when analysing behavioural strategies (e.g., Wild & Scott, 2023). In the present framework, we allow behavioural investment to alter the stock of fitness capital possessed by descendants, thereby influencing their expected long-term reproductive contribution. Reproductive value is therefore partly endogenous to investment decisions, in the sense that investment cascades can be interpreted as mechanisms that amplify the long-run reproductive consequences of altruistic acts. A short illustration of this connection is provided in
Appendix C.
More generally,
Section 2.4 shows that assortative mating on parental altruism generates correlations between altruism and fitness capital through the investment channel, while assortative mating on capital amplifies these correlations through the resource channel. Crucially, altruism-based mate choice can create such correlations even when altruism and capital are initially unrelated. Altruistic households invest more in offspring, magnifying ability differences into fitness outcomes and generating positive correlations between parental altruism and offspring productivity traits. When assortative mating occurs on both altruism and ability, the process becomes super-accelerating: high-ability offspring receive disproportionately high investment from altruistic parents, compounding fitness capital across generations. This runaway investment dynamic suggests that “good genes” preferences may sometimes arise as byproducts of altruism-driven investment rather than from genetic quality signals alone.
If altruistic behaviour functions partly as investment in fitness capital, we should observe parental behaviours that improve the long-term productive abilities of offspring rather than merely increasing their immediate survival. If this distinction is valid, the models predict that parental effort devoted to investment should exceed what would be expected from simple relatedness-based heuristics. Measuring this directly is difficult, since the line between “gift” and “investment” is blurred. What is more tractable is to examine resources that parents are motivated to acquire: when parents are experimentally provided with additional resources, their energy and time for investment should increase even if the precise channels are harder to track. For example, it has been documented that meerkats will sometimes capture and disable (but not kill) prey items and release them close to their infants for them to apparently practice hunting (Thornton & McAuliffe, 2006
). Initially, pups are presented with dead scorpions, then live individuals that have had their stingers disabled and, finally, live scorpions with intact stingers. This behaviour appears to increase offspring competence rather than merely their immediate survival probability, suggesting that the adult is investing in the offspring’s future productive capacity rather than providing a simple nutritional transfer. The immediate cost to the adult meerkat is non-trivial, including risks of the prey escaping, and therefore represent an investment in prey-handling skills beyond simply feeding the young (Thornton & Raihani, 2008). Providing meerkat mothers with plenty of dead food to eat might increase the chances she will reserve more of the live prey she encounters for her offspring to build their hunting capacities rather than eat them herself instead. Comparable behaviours have been described in other mammals, such as big cats bringing injured prey to cubs to practice hunting (Eaton, 1968; Thornton & Raihani, 2010). Similar examples of pedagogical investment are summarized in
Table 3, with some of the most vivid examples provided by birds of prey, where adult raptors have been observed apparently training their offspring in aerial hunting techniques by dropping live, often injured prey near the juveniles to practice strikes (Kross & Nelson, 2013). Comparisons between wild-reared juvenile raptors and captive-born individuals released into the wild (lacking parental such investment efforts) reveal the wild-reared juveniles develop vital hunting behaviours earlier and enjoy higher survival rates (Brown & Collopy, 2006).
Fitness capital can have social dimensions. The social clans of spotted hyena are strictly organized into dominance hierarchies, where offspring inherit social rank directly below their mother. This matrilineal rank inheritance strongly determines lifetime reproductive success in females, with clear continuity across generations. Such effects appear strongly facilitated by the high-ranking mothers supporting their daughters in competitive interactions with conspecifics and thus represents an investment in a sort of “fitness capital” through affecting social standing within clans, physical health, and epigenetic patterning (Laubach et al., 2019).
From this follows the prediction that experimental boosts to parental resources should yield compounding effects over generations. This is because these additional resources increase the effective “income” of the parents, which should increase reserves available for investment. Children should acquire greater fitness capital, and grandchildren disproportionately so, as the lineage accumulates advantages. Crucially, if the cascade is sustained, these lineages should also evolve to become more altruistic, as we predict that lineages with more to invest and lineages with higher altruism tend to become intertwined (a caveat is that the strength of this effect depends on the shape of the returns-to-investment function: if returns to capital are strongly diminishing, the effect may be modest; if returns are constant or convex, the compounding will be much stronger). A flip side to such “silver spoon” effects is the notion of “adversity cascades”, whereby adverse impacts on a lineage in a single generation may have profound consequences for behaviour and survival generations later. Conversely, when historical links between resources and genes become abruptly decoupled, the distribution of fitness capital should shift. Historical episodes such as mass migration, famine, epidemic disease, or war may temporarily weaken the link between inherited capital, mate choice, and altruism. For one or more generations, assortative matching based on these traits may be disrupted, leading to less skewed distributions of capital and weaker correlations between altruism and resources.
A further prediction concerns variation among offspring. Higher-ability offspring should attract greater investment, even if parents show no explicit preference in terms of altruism per se. This aligns with widespread observations. For example, in many mammals, “runts” receive less postnatal care (Clutton-Brock, 1991), while in birds, weaker hatchlings are often fed less, with parents apparently being indifferent to them being effectively culled by their stronger siblings (Mock & Forbes, 2022). Experimental manipulations of cues associated with ability could directly test whether such signals alter parental investment decisions. It should be noted that previous theories already make this prediction (Olson et al., 2008). What may be novel here is the added prediction that this should also be observed across couples: families with higher ability children should also tend to invest more in them than families with lower ability children. Experiments where couples with are effectively made to “adopt” low ability young should invest in them less than if given high ability young to raise.
In humans, if ability is operationalized through measures such as IQ or related cognitive tests, the model intersects with findings from behavioural genetics. Psychometric traits often show heritability estimates of roughly 50%, while variation attributable to the shared family environment is small (often 0–10%) (discussed further in Roy & Roy, 2018). This pattern has sometimes been taken to imply that parental investment has little influence beyond genes (e.g., Caplan, 2011). However, the present model suggests an alternative interpretation: if parental altruism and investment strategies have been under stronger historical selection than cognitive ability genes, then variation in investment behaviour may already be compressed within a narrow range in modern populations. At equilibrium, most observed variation in fitness capital will then appear to stem from ability, even though investment differences — especially at the tails of the distribution — can have profound consequences for descendants.
The classic model of parental investment by Smith and Fretwell (1974) provides insight into the trade-off between offspring size and number, assuming that each unit of investment yields the same marginal fitness return. While touching on similar issues to the present thesis, their framework applies most directly to species producing many small offspring with minimal postnatal care. More recent refinements, such as Johnson et al. (2024), have shown that incorporating indirect reproductive costs that scale nonlinearly with offspring traits can substantially modify predicted investment patterns. Building on these ideas, the present model explicitly considers heterogeneity in offspring ability as a multiplier of parental investment returns, allowing for differential allocation even when parents are equally altruistic toward all offspring. Unlike the previous frameworks, our approach captures intergenerational feedback whereby investment, ability, and capital accumulation reinforce each other over time, and extends naturally into domains of mate choice and signalling. This produces testable predictions that are not addressed by earlier models: for example, parents should preferentially invest in offspring with higher ability, leading to lineages that accumulate disproportionately more capital, and small initial differences in ability or investment can snowball into larger disparities across generations. In this way, our model retains the simplicity of the foundational Smith–Fretwell logic while highlighting novel mechanisms by which parental investment can interact with offspring traits to shape evolutionary trajectories.
3.2. Limitations
Can the processes we have considered here be expected to push investment indefinitely high? In principle, escalation may be rapid, but there are realistic constraints to consider. Ever more extreme levels of parental investment may, for instance, be resisted if they require changes that sacrifice other fitness components. In the same way that the sheer size of egg produced by kiwi bird or the head size of human foetuses are likely near limits balanced against the capacity of mothers to produce such infants, limits imposed by constraints may be less elastic to selection than altruism. Thus, as with other potential drivers of runaway evolution (e.g., Dawkins & Krebs, 1979), there may be direct costs of rising investment in terms of viability, energy, time, or other factors that curtail the process. Another obvious limitation is environmental resources. For example, we can imagine a predator evolving to specialize in hunting ever larger prey because both hunting skills and meat are the sorts of resources that can be concentrated and invested in offspring. But it such a predator may find it increasingly less worthwhile as such prey become scarcer, or if this induces overwhelming counter-adaptations on the part of the prey species, or if it falls victim to its own success if it drives the over-exploited prey species extinct. For these and other reasons, we have assumed diminishing returns on investment in fitness capital.
A yet more interesting theoretical limitation was that we did not consider the role of altruism, ability, or capital in decisions about the quantity of children to have. On the one hand, there may be quantity–quality trade-offs, where higher-ability parents decide to invest more in fewer children (e.g., Becker, 1991), while lower-ability parents produce more children with less investment. This might produce a trade-off resembling an r–K distribution of traits in humans (e.g., Eysenck and Gudjonsson, 1989). On the other hand, having more successful children may also increase how much parents value their reproductive success. If so, then this may be a pressure in the other direction, encouraging high-altruism couples to produce more children overall. Modelling variation in family size along these lines would also make it clearer why the parent’s own “consumption” cannot be treated as irrelevant in a Darwinian model: even when parents have only one child at a time, resources reserved for their own well-being may contribute indirectly to the survival of additional children in the future, or serve as a buffer against risk if current offspring die. Thus, modelling a division between “consumption” and “investment” remains defensible (cf. Trivers, 1974; Kaplan, 1996). It is tempting to speculate that, if high-altruism couples tend to produce fewer offspring with high per-child investment, while low-altruism couples produce many offspring with little investment, such divergence in life-history strategies could resemble disruptive selection within the population. In principle, such dynamics might reduce gene flow between extremes and thereby contribute to conditions favourable for reproductive isolation (cf. Lande, 1981; Maynard Smith, 1966).
We have also not considered how the same predictions may play out within a wider kin-network, (cousins, nephews and nieces, etc.), much less when the genetic relatedness among such networks departs from the standard r=.5 assumed for parents and offspring. Finally, different types of mating structure may be important. For example, systems without monogamy, or where not all of one sex get paired (e.g., more adult males than females are available for mating), or truncated, soft versus hard selection regimes. Any of these aspects may reveal conditions under which altruism is less reliable connected with capital, potentially weakening the recursive dynamic and other conclusions.
3.3. Extensions
The discussion turns here to speculative extensions and future directions. We have so far assumed that parents act based on accurate knowledge about the characteristics of others, such as their partner’s altruism and offspring ability. While the present model did not address deception or signalling, the logic extends naturally into these domains, offering testable hypotheses. Introducing errors or deceptive signalling may mean selection favouring altruism can be expected to weaken or otherwise become more complicated as investment no longer reliably translates into transgenerational returns. In particular, a disconnect between altruism ability and actual relatedness raises opportunities for exploitation and parasitism. Haig’s (1997; 2001) Intergenomic Conflict theory, for example, may make the following prediction in situations where there is paternal uncertainty. Paternally-imprinted genes might be expected to program offspring to inflate their apparent ability — or play up issues of equity — to better extract resources from the mother and her partner, who may or may not be the actual father. Meanwhile, maternally imprinted genes should want optimal allocation in agreement with the mother’s genetic perspective. Exaggerated signals that investment in a particular child are especially effective may work because they hijack parental responsiveness to this as a reward signal. Further thought is required to clarify whether the resulting pressures on parents to be discerning is enough to nullify this exploitation, or if some other result is likely to emerge from an arms race between children obscuring their ability and parents striving to allocate their scarce resources efficiently.
The same logic may explain why parent birds parasitized by cuckoos have often been observed behaving as if strongly motivated to continue feeding cuckoo chicks even when they have grown enormous (Krüger, 2007a). A classic interpretation is that this is despite the cuckoo’s enormous rate of growth, and due to the parents responding slavishly to especially salient stimuli the cuckoo chick has evolved to convey (Rojas Ripari et al., 2021). Based on the present model, it may be partly because the cuckoo bird’s accelerated development mimics high ability that explains the parasitized bird’s behaviour: they may have been selected to respond with more investment to this as a sign that of underlying ability in their own offspring, inadvertently benefiting the cuckoo. Species where parents pattern their investment in this way may be especially vulnerable to parasitism by cuckooing. This may explain why most cuckoos parasitize species that are smaller than or similarly sized to themselves (Krüger, 2006b). In the exceptions where the cuckoo grows to a smaller adult size than the parasitized species, they nonetheless grow at faster rates when young (e.g., Kleven et al., 1999).
The present thesis may have applications to understanding so-called “handicap” signals as well (Zahavi, 1975). Conceivably, animals can be selected to pay high costs to transmit honest signals of their underlying qualities because they advertise their underlying qualities, such as having good genes. A classic example is gazelle stoting in response to predators like leopards, with the idea being that the healthiest can afford to jump the highest in this way, thereby displacing the predator’s efforts to target whichever individuals cannot afford to advertise their vigour in this way – even though all gazelle would be faster at putting distance between themselves and the leopard by simply running away instead (Dawkins, 1976). Crucially, Grafen (1990) showed that such a signalling system is stable only when the cost of signal strength is proportional to the underlying quality it is supposed to indicate. The kind of cascading investment process we have been considering may naturally set up such a set of conditions for costly signalling of either ability or altruism. This is because these characteristics can be expected to correlate over time with earnings on our model, thus making signals costing a given amount of earnings being disproportionately cheaper for more altruistic individuals to afford, and we have seen why there may be advantages to conveying such signals to prospective mates. Our model could be extended to predict, for example, that a highly altruistic predator may signal its quality as a parent by tackling more dangerous or elusive prey than they would otherwise choose (serving as a trophy to impress potential mates or rivals). Obviously, there may be reasons for preferring high ability and capital individuals, but this approach could explain why costly or handicapped signalling of these attributes might be expected to evolve.
Finally, something may be said about other types of altruism to close this survey of potential implications of the general model. Recall our assumption that returns in a child diminish incrementally as more is invested. On Becker’s analysis of human behaviour, this means there is a point at which parents might become motivated to allocate some of their investment in that of the capital of unrelated children. This is because, if combined with the assumption of efficient capital markets, lending investment in this way to non-relatives means that this may yield higher returns later when the non-relatives grow up and effectively repay the loan to the descendants who made the loan. Obviously, the assumption of perfect capital markets does not hold well in most biological systems including the ancestral environments of human beings. However, an extension of the foundational concepts of Trivers (1971; 2002) and Axelrod and Hamilton (1981) on altruism among non-relatives to include fitness capital may be workable provided that the unrelated children invested in are likely to interact cooperatively with the offspring of the parents investing. The age-old problem for altruism based mutual reciprocation is how to reinforce repayment (Ridley, 1997). In Becker’s case, this can be done through contracts, while in the biological case reciprocal altruism relies on effective deterrence of defection. In some cases, it may be plausible that parents who have had a proven history of cooperation with individuals in another lineage might expect their own children and the children of the unrelated lineage to also cooperate, in a way substituting for a contract and the need to directly enforce it. Further modelling may be needed to develop this point, but it is intuitive that the present value of cooperating now might be enhanced if it is felt that the “shadow of the future” extends across overlapping generations. For example, in addition to having higher than average relatedness to other lionesses within a pride, each mother lioness has some level of certainty that their offspring will grow up to later rely on the skills and cooperation of the offspring of other mothers in the pride. This is one way that altruism for kin might influence the evolution of altruism in other forms.
Another potential implication is, more generally, the effect of practice on competence. If partners in cooperation improve in their capacity to provide benefits through the practice of reciprocal altruism, then this may have implications that have been underappreciated. Previous models have considered what happens with tit-for-tatters find each other and avoid defectors: in the same way that binding altruism with investment leads to higher variance and average fitness capital, non-random association and repeated mutually beneficial interactions by cooperators (another type of altruism) might magnify average levels of cooperation. Simply basing cross lineage investment on track record might be enough to justify an enlightened cooperative behaviour based on far-sighted self-intertest or “Benselfishness” (Dennett, 2003). More generally, it may be worth further considering how conclusions from traditional models of reciprocal altruism are affected when reasonable assumptions are about fitness capital are included. For instance, when the magnitude of benefits from cooperative exchanges are improved with practice, such where the nature of relationships is not solely a matter of “you scratch my back, and I will scratch yours” but where cooperation makes individuals become better at scratching backs and perhaps more reliant on others so that their own backs get scratched. On this view, individuals may not only be motivated to cooperate by the prospect of punishment for failing to reciprocate, but also from seeing such mutual backscratching as a sort of investment process. In other words, early cooperative exchanges may not only build trust by establishing a track record by also by making each partner more valuable to the other as their skills can be expected to rise. Modelling by Becker on the social effects on activities has found there can be dramatic swings between different steady states of behaviour when many individuals become involved and this could be a rich area for further research to explore (general examples are given in Becker, 1996).
Taken together, these extensions suggest that reciprocal altruism, when considered with fitness capital, might not only be about short-term exchanges but about long-run investments that shape both competence and interdependence across generations. This perspective invites new models that may reveal thresholds or tipping points in the evolution of cooperation. Related ideas have been explored in models emphasizing synergistic benefits from cooperation. For example, Extended Inclusive Fitness Theory (Jaffe, 2016) shows that assortment among cooperators combined with synergistic returns can generate strong evolutionary feedbacks favouring cooperation. The perspective developed here suggests a complementary mechanism. Rather than synergy arising solely from interactions among contemporaries, cooperative behaviour may also generate compounding benefits across generations when it increases the stock of fitness capital available to descendants. Exploring how synergistic cooperation and investment cascades interact may therefore provide a useful direction for future theoretical work.