1. Introduction
Understanding how behavioral or cognitive biases affect economic decisions and outcomes is central in modern economics because traditional models based on the assumption that agents are rational struggle to explain a wide range of economic phenomena. For instance, the recurrent occurrence of bubbles and crashes in financial markets poses a challenge to classical models with agents who have unbiased beliefs and always make rational decisions. To overcome these limitations, researchers have been seeking alternative explanations to better understand various abnormal economic phenomena, especially employing experimental and psychological approaches. Some of the groundbreaking work that spawned this relatively new field includes, not limited to, Kahneman and Tversky [
1], Thaler [
2], Fehr and Schmidt [
3], and Loewenstein et al. [
4].
Among many different types of cognitive biases, the so-called unrealistic optimism has recently received particular attention. According to the formal definition provided by Weinstein [
5], unrealistic optimism means that people tend to erroneously believe that negative (positive) outcomes are less (more) likely to occur to themselves compared to the likelihood of those outcomes they attribute to others. In other words, unrealistic optimism indicates the tendency that people typically perceive themselves as invulnerable to misfortune but believe that others are more susceptible to bad luck. For instance, Weinstein [
5] shows that individuals perceive their own chance of developing lung cancer as significantly lower than the true average likelihood of being diagnosed with that disease.
After Weinstein [
5] first formally identified this new type of cognitive bias, researchers have subsequently found that unrealistic optimism is pervasive across diverse types of individuals facing different problems; see, for instance, Burger and Palmer [
6], McKenna [
7], Klar et al. [
8], Davidson and Prkachin [
9], Weinstein and Lyon [
10], and Dillard et al. [
11] among others. In particular, a recent study by Gassen et al. [
12] shows that people continue to exhibit this type of cognitive bias, using the survey data on individuals’ risk perceptions regarding the likelihood of being infected by COVID-19. However, despite the prevalence of unrealistic optimism and its potential impact on business performance and decisions, the characteristics and potential consequences of unrealistic optimism have been largely ignored by economists, corporate managers, and policymakers, as argued by Coelho [
13].
In this paper, we develop an economic model to show that when people hold unrealistic optimism, the economy is more likely to enter into recessions and face underinvestment rather than experiencing bubbles or overinvestment. This result is surprising because optimism or overconfidence is generally considered a behavioral characteristic that generates economic booms, excessive risk taking, or overinvestments. In fact, Malmendier and Tate [
14], Gervais et al. [
15], and Hirshleifer et al. [
16] empirically show that overconfident corporate managers tend to overestimate their abilities and overvalue the profitability of new projects, and thus invest more heavily on new investment opportunities. Also, Harrison and Kreps [
17] and Scheinkman and Xiong [
18] develop theoretical models to show that asset markets can generate speculative bubbles when investors have heterogeneous beliefs because assets are usually owned by investors who have the most optimistic view at every point in time. In our paper, by particularly paying attention to unrealistic optimism, we show that drastically different outcomes can occur compared to the predictions of the above-mentioned papers, which do not specifically consider unrealistic optimism.
Our model consists of producers and consumers. Producers produce output goods to maximize their profits, taking the output price and production costs into consideration. Initially, each consumer values one unit of the output as 1 in terms of the consumption goods. But, in the future, an aggregate preference shock may hit all consumers. Upon the occurrence of the shock, each consumer will assign a value of less than 1 to one unit of the output. However, each consumer is assumed to hold unrealistic optimism in this model. Specially, every consumer incorrectly believes that the aggregate shock will hit all other consumers, but not herself. In other words, each consumer considers that at least she will not be the victim of the adverse event unlike all other consumers.
In the benchmark economy, in which each consumer correctly believes that nobody can avoid the aggregate shock, the output price stays at 1 today but will drop in the future exactly when the aggregate shock occurs. In this case, every consumer makes zero profits at every date. However, when consumers hold unrealistic optimism, the output price falls today even before the aggregate shock actually hits the economy.
To see why, note that when consumers exhibit unrealistic optimism, each of them wrongly believes that she can make arbitrage profits in the future if she waits until the aggregate shock occurs, instead of purchasing output goods today. Thus, if the output price does not fall today, the output goods market cannot clear today. Therefore, the output price must fall immediately for the market to clear. Further, once the output price plummets, producers will lose incentives to produce output goods to some extent, leading to underinvestment. Through this mechanism, unrealistic optimism can trigger early recessions and underinvestment even before the occurrence of the shock rather than causing expansions or bubbles.
A well-known phenomenon that has been recurrently observed in the real world is that both the real economy and asset markets tend to exhibit sudden crashes and slow recoveries. For instance, according to Veldkamp [
19] and Ordonez [
20], during Mexico’s 1994-1995 peso crisis, real lending rates in Mexico rose from 21% to 91% just in four months, but it took 30 months for the lending rates to reach their pre-crisis level. Regarding other economic variables, investment and output per capital respectively dropped 35% and 17% in just three quarters, but it took more than two years for those variables to recover. Similarly, during the 1998 Russian financial crisis, real lending rates surged from 30% to 150% in less than two months, but it took 27 months for the lending rates to return to their pre-crisis level. What is also interesting is that Ordonez [
20] shows that this asymmetric pattern is more pronounced in countries with less developed financial systems.
Researchers have attempted to explain this intriguing phenomenon by adopting various arguments. For instance, Veldkamp [
19] argues that during economic booms, public information about economic states is more abundantly produced and so, asset prices and economic activities adjust more rapidly during booms, which can potentially trigger a sudden crash when the economic state starts to make a downturn. Ordonez [
20] argues that recoveries tend to be delayed because monitoring costs for lenders are more likely to increase during recessions or crisis periods. While these papers use information-based arguments, our paper proposes a new argument based on a behavioral bias. Also, in those papers, recessions occur exactly when a negative shock hits the economy. But, in our paper, recessions can be accelerated due to unrealistic optimism held by individuals.
Moreover, one may say that other more general types of optimism can also generate recessions because booms or bubbles caused by optimism are typically followed by burst or market corrections; see, for instance, Kaizoji and Sornette [
21]. But what we show in this paper is that recessions can be expedited due to unrealistic optimism unlike in the case where bubbles are followed by market crashes subsequently. In this regard, the mechanism introduced in this paper, which can cause early recessions, indeed sheds new light on our understanding of the causes and sources of economic downturns.
Our paper also investigates whether the government can potentially mitigate economic crises that may occur due to the above mechanism rooted in behavioral bias. It is well known that when all agents have the correct beliefs about the impact of the aggregate shock, the government cannot enhance welfare by providing subsidies to consumers or directly purchasing the output goods. However, when the economy experiences recessions due to the unrealistic optimism of agents, there is room for the government to intervene in the market and improve welfare of the economy. Specifically, suppose that the government provides subsidies to every consumer, who purchases the output goods today, to lift the output price to 1. Then the utility level of those consumers, who newly purchase the output goods, increases because they can buy the output goods, which they value as 1, at a price lower than 1 due to the subsidies. Thus, this increment in their utility offsets the amount of money paid by taxpayers. But when the output price increases, producers produce more outputs, eventually leading to the welfare improvement. This argument can be used to support the effectiveness of a number of government intervention policies implemented during the 2008 financial crisis and 2020 COVID-19 crisis.
Nonetheless, the government must judiciously select the right timing for intervention. If the government intervenes in the market after the aggregate shock hits the economy, the welfare will not be improved or such a policy will be less effective, compared to the case where the government takes the action preemptively. For instance, suppose the government provides subsidies only after the aggregate shock hits the economy. Then, as mentioned above, consumers can still buy the output goods by spending the same amount of money as before due to the subsidies. Then, consumers with unrealistic optimism will falsely expect to exploit the arbitrage opportunity unless the output price remains at a low level as before. As a result, the output price will still stay at the low level, meaning that the government cannot prevent the premature occurrence of recessions. In this regard, we see that the government can improve welfare only when it intervenes in the market at the right time.
The paper is organized as follows. In
Section 2, we develop the main model and discuss the model implications. In
Section 3, we extend the model into a dynamic setup. In
Section 4, we provide concluding remarks.