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Relational Capacity in Protracted Conflict: Women-Led Dialogue and Everyday Peacebuilding in the Western Galilee

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27 July 2026

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28 July 2026

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Abstract
This article examines a women-led Jewish–Arab dialogue initiative in the Western Galilee and advances the concept of relational capacity as a mechanism of grassroots peacebuilding in protracted asymmetrical conflict. Drawing on qualitative interviews with twenty-one participants and supplementary descriptive survey data from an additional cohort, the study integrates intergroup contact theory, feminist peace scholarship, and everyday peace frameworks to analyse how sustained dialogue generates relational endurance rather than ideological convergence. The findings suggest that participants develop the capacity to maintain cross-community engagement during periods of political tension, translating interpersonal trust into forms of civic agency. Transnational exposure through a delegation visit further amplifies symbolic legitimacy and internal cohesion. Rather than conceptualising reconciliation as attitudinal harmony, the article proposes that grassroots peacebuilding operates as a layered relational process across micro, meso, and transnational levels. The study contributes a transferable analytical framework for examining women-led dialogue initiatives in other protracted conflicts.
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1. Introduction

Protracted ethno-national conflicts are sustained not only through political stalemate but also through deeply embedded social and relational divisions that reproduce mistrust across generations. Segregation, competing historical narratives, and symbolic boundary-making reinforce perceptions of threat and difference between communities. In such contexts, everyday interaction between members of rival groups is often limited, mediated through stereotypes and shaped by structural asymmetries (Bar-Tal, 2007; Kelman, 1999; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, & Miall, 2016). The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including relations between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel, represents one of the most enduring examples of such protracted division.
Scholars and practitioners have long turned to dialogue initiatives as mechanisms for reducing prejudice and fostering cross-community relationships. Many of these initiatives are grounded in intergroup contact theory, first articulated by Allport (1954), which argues that under specific conditions—equal status, common goals, cooperation, and institutional support—interaction between members of rival groups may reduce prejudice and improve intergroup attitudes. Subsequent meta-analyses confirm that contact generally reduces intergroup hostility across diverse contexts (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006; Davies et al., 2011).
However, contact alone does not necessarily generate reconciliation. In asymmetrical conflicts, dialogue encounters may reproduce existing power relations unless structural inequalities are explicitly acknowledged and addressed (Maoz, 2011; Saguy, Dovidio, & Pratto, 2009). Critics, therefore, caution that coexistence programmes sometimes prioritise interpersonal harmony while leaving underlying political grievances unresolved. As a result, peacebuilding scholars increasingly argue that conflict transformation must extend beyond elite negotiations and incorporate everyday social practices that enable coexistence at the micro-level (Mac Ginty, 2014; Richmond, 2011).
In deeply divided societies, the capacity to sustain dialogue across political tension may be as significant as ideological agreement.
Alongside these debates, feminist scholarship has drawn attention to the gendered dimensions of peace processes. Women remain significantly under-represented in formal peace negotiations despite growing international recognition of their importance. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 emphasises the need for women’s participation in peace processes and conflict resolution (Aharoni, 2015). Nevertheless, feminist researchers argue that women’s most significant contributions often occur in informal and community-based initiatives that remain under-recognised within mainstream peacebuilding frameworks (Cockburn, 2007; Enloe, 2000; Tickner, 2001).
Women-led dialogue initiatives may therefore provide alternative spaces in which cross-community relationships can develop outside formal political arenas. These initiatives frequently rely on relational practices such as listening, empathy, and sustained engagement. Although such practices do not necessarily transform structural inequalities, they may gradually reshape interpersonal perceptions and create conditions for cooperation within divided societies.
This article examines a women-led Jewish–Arab dialogue initiative operating in the Western Galilee region of northern Israel. The programme brought together twenty-one Jewish and Arab women in sustained dialogue encounters designed to foster communication, mutual understanding, and civic engagement. Participants also travelled together on a delegation visit to the United States, where they presented their initiative to interfaith and community audiences. In addition to the qualitative interview dataset, a supplementary descriptive survey conducted among participants from later programme cohorts provides insight into longer-term perceived impacts.
The central argument advanced in this article is that sustained women-led dialogue initiatives generate what may be termed relational capacity: the ability to maintain communication, recognition, and cooperation across political divides, even during periods of tension. Rather than measuring success through attitudinal convergence alone, the study conceptualises peacebuilding as a layered relational process unfolding across interpersonal, civic, and transnational levels.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Intergroup Contact in Protracted Conflict

Intergroup contact theory remains one of the most widely studied frameworks for understanding how interactions between members of rival groups may reduce prejudice and improve intergroup relations. The theory was first articulated by Allport (1954), who argued that contact between members of different groups can reduce prejudice when several key conditions are present. These conditions include equal status between participants, the pursuit of common goals, cooperative interaction, and institutional support. Under such circumstances, interaction can challenge stereotypes, humanise the outgroup, and create opportunities for new forms of social understanding.
Subsequent empirical research has largely confirmed the general effectiveness of intergroup contact. A major meta-analysis conducted by Pettigrew and Tropp (2006), which examined hundreds of studies across multiple societies, demonstrated that contact typically leads to a reduction in prejudice between groups. Later research has shown that the development of cross-group friendships is particularly important in sustaining these effects over time (Davies et al., 2011). Through repeated interaction, participants may begin to reinterpret the intentions, identities, and experiences of members of rival communities.
However, the application of contact theory in contexts of protracted and asymmetrical conflict presents significant challenges. In deeply divided societies, relations between groups are often shaped by unequal political power, institutional discrimination, and historical grievances. Under such conditions, dialogue encounters may inadvertently reproduce existing hierarchies rather than transform them. Maoz (2011), in his analysis of Jewish–Palestinian dialogue groups, distinguishes between several models of dialogue, including coexistence-oriented encounters, confrontational models, joint projects, and narrative-based approaches. While coexistence models emphasise shared humanity and interpersonal similarities, critics argue that such approaches may obscure structural inequalities and political grievances.
Scholars have therefore questioned the assumption that optimal contact conditions can easily be achieved in asymmetrical conflict settings. Dixon, Durrheim, and Tredoux (2005) argue that the contact hypothesis may overlook the broader social structures that shape intergroup relations. Similarly, McKeown and Dixon (2017) suggest that contact interventions must be carefully designed to address power asymmetries if they are to contribute meaningfully to conflict transformation.
Sustained dialogue initiatives can function not only as sites of attitudinal change but also as infrastructures that support long-term intergroup engagement.
he present study engages these debates by examining a dialogue initiative that combines several elements of contact-based peacebuilding. Participants engaged in sustained encounters over time, shared personal narratives, and developed collective activities that encouraged cooperation and mutual recognition. Rather than focusing exclusively on attitudinal change, the study explores how repeated interactions may produce relational Peacebuilding often emerges not from dramatic political breakthroughs but from repeated interactions that gradually reshape relationships between communities. that endure beyond the immediate dialogue setting.
In protracted conflicts, relationships between communities are rarely transformed through a single encounter. Instead, transformation tends to emerge gradually through repeated interaction that allows participants to develop familiarity and emotional understanding. Over time, such encounters may create new relational patterns that challenge entrenched stereotypes and enable individuals to sustain communication even during periods of political escalation. In this sense, dialogue initiatives may function less as short-term interventions and more as relational infrastructures that support ongoing engagement between divided communities.

2.2. Gender, Peacebuilding and UNSCR 1325

The adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 marked a significant turning point in international discussions on peace and security. The resolution recognised the importance of women’s participation in peace processes and emphasised the need to increase women’s representation in conflict prevention, peace negotiations, and post-conflict reconstruction (Aharoni, 2015). Despite this normative recognition, women continue to be underrepresented in formal diplomatic negotiations and political decision-making processes.
Feminist scholars have therefore highlighted the importance of examining women’s roles in informal and grassroots peace initiatives. Cockburn (2007) argues that women frequently engage in forms of peace activism that operate outside formal political institutions. These initiatives often emerge within civil society and community networks, where women mobilise social relationships and everyday practices to foster dialogue across conflict lines. Similarly, Enloe (2000) emphasises that women’s political agency is often exercised through community-level activities that remain invisible within traditional analyses of international politics.
Importantly, feminist peace research cautions against essentialising women as inherently peaceful actors. Tickner (2001) notes that gender should not be understood as a biological determinant of behaviour but rather as a social structure that shapes expectations, opportunities, and roles within society. In many societies, women are socialised into relational roles that emphasise care, mediation, and communication. These social expectations may influence the ways in which women engage in peacebuilding initiatives.
Within protracted conflicts, women-led dialogue initiatives may therefore create alternative political spaces where individuals can develop cross-community relationships. These spaces often blur the boundaries between personal transformation and political action. By engaging in dialogue, participants not only challenge stereotypes about the other group but also redefine their own roles within their communities.
Women-led dialogue initiatives often operate in the informal spaces of civil society where relational practices of peacebuilding can develop outside formal political negotiations.
Such initiatives demonstrate that peacebuilding does not occur solely within formal diplomatic arenas. Instead, it also unfolds through everyday interactions that reshape perceptions, build trust, and create new possibilities for cooperation between communities.
This perspective is reinforced by research on women-led coexistence initiatives in Israel, which shows that women’s groups and associations may serve as practical infrastructures for intergroup dialogue in mixed cities. Such initiatives not only encourage communication between Arab and Jewish participants but also generate forms of civic participation that extend beyond the dialogue setting itself (removed for peer-review).

2.3. Everyday Peace and Micro-Level Transformation

Recent peacebuilding scholarship has increasingly emphasised the importance of “everyday peace” in conflict-affected societies. Mac Ginty (2014) introduced the concept to describe the routine practices that individuals develop in order to navigate life within divided environments. Rather than focusing exclusively on elite negotiations or international peace agreements, everyday peace highlights the subtle strategies that individuals use to manage conflict and maintain coexistence.
These practices may include acts of avoidance, cooperation, or informal accommodation that allow individuals to interact across group boundaries. Although such practices may appear modest, they can play an important role in reducing tensions and enabling daily life to continue within conflict environments. Richmond (2011) similarly argues that peacebuilding should be understood as a multi-layered process in which local actors actively shape the meaning and practice of peace.
Dialogue groups can be understood as micro-level arenas in which such everyday practices are rehearsed and developed. Participants experiment with new forms of interaction that challenge the rigid boundaries separating communities. Through storytelling, listening, and collective reflection, individuals may gradually reinterpret the identities and experiences of members of the other group.
Research has also highlighted the role of local agency in shaping peacebuilding outcomes. Leonardsson and Rudd (2015) describe this shift as the “local turn” in peacebuilding, emphasising that sustainable peace often depends on the initiatives and capacities of local communities rather than solely on international interventions. Mac Ginty and Firchow (2016) further argue that local narratives and experiences are crucial for understanding how individuals interpret peace within their own social contexts.
Every day, peacebuilding emerges not from dramatic political breakthroughs but from repeated interactions that gradually reshape relationships between communities.
The present study conceptualises the women’s dialogue initiative as a site where these different dynamics intersect. Intergroup contact provides opportunities for interaction, gendered relational practices shape the form of dialogue, and transnational exposure amplifies the symbolic significance of the initiative. Together, these elements create a setting in which participants may develop new relational capacities that enable them to sustain engagement across conflict lines.
The following section outlines the methodological design used to examine these processes.

3. Methodology

3.1. Research Design

The research focuses on a women-led Jewish–Arab dialogue initiative operating in the Western Galilee region of northern Israel. The programme was designed as a sustained dialogue process that encouraged participants to engage in structured encounters over time rather than through a single meeting or workshop. This design enabled the study to explore how relationships develop gradually and how participants interpret their experiences across different stages of engagement.
The core dataset consists of semi-structured interviews conducted with twenty-one Jewish and Arab women who participated in the dialogue initiative. Interviews were conducted at two key stages: first at the beginning of the programme, when participants shared their motivations and expectations, and later following the group’s delegation visit to the United States. This two-stage design made it possible to examine changes in perceptions, attitudes, and self-understanding over the course of the initiative.
In addition to the qualitative interviews, the study incorporates a supplementary descriptive survey conducted with eight women from later cohorts of the same initiative. This survey was not part of the original research design and therefore does not represent a longitudinal extension of the initial sample. Instead, it is used cautiously as supplementary evidence that offers additional insight into participants’ perceptions of the programme’s impact.
Qualitative dialogue research allows scholars to examine how relational transformation unfolds through participants’ lived experiences rather than through abstract indicators alone.
Together, the qualitative interviews and supplementary survey provide a layered perspective on the dialogue initiative, combining narrative depth with descriptive insights into perceived outcomes.

3.2. Research Context: The Women’s Dialogue Initiative

The dialogue initiative examined in this study brought together twenty-one Jewish and Arab women from communities in the Western Galilee. The region is characterised by close geographic proximity between Jewish and Arab towns alongside enduring social separation shaped by political tensions, historical narratives, and institutional inequalities. These conditions make the region a particularly relevant setting for examining intergroup dialogue and grassroots peacebuilding initiatives.
Participants represented diverse social backgrounds, religious identities, and age groups. The group included Jewish, Muslim, and Christian women whose ages ranged from eighteen to over forty-six. Despite their differences, participants shared an interest in engaging with members of the other community and exploring possibilities for dialogue.
The programme was structured around a series of facilitated meetings that encouraged participants to share personal narratives, discuss community experiences, and reflect on their perceptions of the other group. Over time, these encounters created opportunities for participants to develop familiarity, build trust, and challenge stereotypes through direct interaction.
A distinctive element of the programme was a joint delegation visit to the United States. During this visit, participants presented their dialogue initiative to diverse audiences, including Jewish, Muslim, Christian, and interfaith communities. The delegation provided participants with an opportunity to reflect on their experiences within a broader international context and to articulate their shared commitment to dialogue and coexistence.
For many participants, this transnational engagement represented a significant moment of recognition and empowerment. Presenting their initiative abroad positioned them not only as participants in a local dialogue programme but also as representatives of grassroots peacebuilding efforts.

3.3. Participants

The main qualitative sample consisted of twenty-one participants who were involved in the dialogue initiative. Of these participants, eleven identified as Jewish women, seven as Muslim women, and three as Christian women. This composition reflects the diversity of communities in the Western Galilee and enables exploration of intergroup dialogue across religious and national identities.
Participants varied in age, educational background, and professional experience. Many were involved in community work, education, or civil society activities, although participation in the programme was not limited to individuals with prior peacebuilding experience. Several participants reported that this initiative represented their first opportunity to engage directly with members of the other community in a structured dialogue setting.
Seventeen of the twenty-one participants completed the second stage of interviews following the United States delegation. This follow-up stage allowed the study to capture reflections on the programme after participants had experienced both the local dialogue process and the international delegation.
The supplementary survey sample consisted of eight women from later cohorts of the same initiative. Because these participants belonged to different programme cycles, the survey findings are analysed separately from the qualitative dataset. The survey, therefore, functions as descriptive evidence that complements, rather than replaces, the in-depth qualitative analysis.

3.4. Data Collection

Data were collected primarily through semi-structured interviews. This method strikes a balance between structure and flexibility, allowing researchers to explore key themes while also allowing participants to express their experiences in their own words. Interview questions focused on participants’ motivations for joining the initiative, their expectations regarding dialogue, their perceptions of the other community, and their reflections on the programme’s impact.
Interviews lasted between sixty and ninety minutes and were conducted in the participants’ preferred language, either Hebrew or Arabic. When interview excerpts were used for analysis and publication, translations were carefully reviewed to ensure that the meaning of participants’ statements was preserved.
Participants were informed that the research was conducted for academic purposes and that their identities would remain confidential. All identifying information was removed during transcription to protect participants’ privacy.
The supplementary survey included structured questions designed to capture participants’ perceptions of change following their involvement in the programme. Survey questions addressed themes such as cross-community trust, willingness to engage in dialogue, perceptions of empowerment, and involvement in civic activities after the programme.

3.5. Data Analysis

Qualitative data were analysed using thematic analysis following the approach developed by Braun and Clarke (2006). This method allows researchers to identify recurring patterns and themes within qualitative datasets while remaining attentive to the complexity of participants’ narratives.
The analytical process began with repeated readings of the interview transcripts to familiarise the researcher with the data. Initial coding was then conducted to identify key ideas, experiences, and interpretations expressed by participants. These codes were subsequently grouped into broader thematic categories reflecting recurring patterns across interviews.
The analysis focused not only on shared experiences but also on differences in how participants interpreted their involvement in the initiative. This approach allowed the study to capture both common themes and individual variations within participants’ narratives.
Survey data were analysed descriptively to identify general trends in participants’ responses. Given the small sample size, the survey results are interpreted cautiously and are used primarily to complement the qualitative findings rather than to support statistical generalisations.

3.6. Ethical Considerations

The research adhered to established ethical guidelines for qualitative social research. Participation in the study was voluntary, and participants were informed about the research aims before the interviews. Each participant provided informed consent and retained the right to withdraw from the study at any stage.
Given the sensitivity of intergroup dialogue within a conflict context, particular care was taken to protect participants’ anonymity. Identifying details were removed from interview transcripts, and pseudonyms were used when presenting quotations.
Researchers conducting studies in conflict environments must remain attentive to the emotional and political sensitivities that participants may experience when discussing intergroup relations. Throughout the research process, efforts were made to create a respectful and supportive interview environment in which participants could share their experiences without fear of judgement or exposure.

4. Findings

The findings are organised according to three temporal stages of participation in the dialogue initiative. These stages reflect the trajectory of participants’ experiences throughout the programme: first, the motivations and expectations participants expressed before engaging in the dialogue encounters; second, the experiences and emotional transformations that emerged during the United States delegation; and third, the reflections and perceived impacts reported after returning home. In addition, supplementary survey findings from participants in later cohorts are integrated descriptively.

4.1. Motivations and Expectations: Crossing the Invisible Wall

Participants consistently described their decision to join the dialogue initiative as emerging from a personal motivation to create change within their immediate social environments. Many participants explained that their interest in the programme was not primarily ideological but relational. They sought opportunities to meet women from the other community, to learn about their lives and experiences, and to challenge the social separation that characterises everyday life in the region.
Several participants emphasised that, despite living in close geographic proximity to communities from the other group, meaningful interaction rarely occurs in daily life. Residential separation, separate education systems, and distinct social networks often limit opportunities for sustained engagement. As a result, participants described the dialogue initiative as providing a rare space in which they could meet members of the other community in a structured and supportive environment.
Participants frequently articulated their motivations in terms of learning, curiosity, and relationship-building. Rather than framing their participation in explicitly political terms, they emphasised the importance of understanding and communication. One participant explained that she joined the initiative because she wished “to know the neighbours we live beside but rarely meet.” Another participant described her motivation as a desire to “create change first within my close circle and then in the wider community.”
These motivations reflect the voluntary and cooperative dimensions that intergroup contact theory identifies as important for productive interaction (Allport, 1954). Participants did not approach the dialogue encounters as formal political negotiations. Instead, they viewed the initiative as an opportunity to develop relationships that could challenge stereotypes and open new possibilities for communication.
At the same time, many participants acknowledged the existence of a psychological barrier separating the two communities. Several interviewees referred metaphorically to a “transparent wall” that exists between Jewish and Arab communities. This barrier does not prevent physical proximity but limits social familiarity and emotional understanding. Dialogue encounters, therefore, represented an opportunity to cross this invisible boundary.
Participants described dialogue as a process of gradually crossing an “invisible wall” that separates communities living in close geographic proximity.
Through the early meetings of the programme, participants began to share personal stories and experiences related to family life, education, community identity, and everyday challenges. These exchanges often revealed unexpected similarities between participants’ lives, contributing to the gradual development of empathy and recognition.

4.2. Attitudes Toward the Other

Before participating in the programme, many interviewees already expressed relatively moderate attitudes toward members of the other community. Participants frequently emphasised the importance of recognising shared humanity and acknowledged that both communities inhabit the same social and geographic environment.
However, while participants often expressed openness toward the other group, they also acknowledged that limited contact had prevented deeper familiarity. Several interviewees explained that their previous knowledge of the other community had been shaped largely by media representations, political discourse or indirect social narratives rather than personal relationships.
Dialogue encounters, therefore, played an important role in enabling participants to encounter alternative perspectives. Hearing personal narratives allowed participants to move beyond abstract images of the other community and instead engage with individuals whose experiences reflected both similarities and differences.
Many participants described moments during the dialogue meetings when they recognised aspects of their own lives in the stories shared by women from the other community. Experiences related to family responsibilities, education, employment, and social expectations often created unexpected points of connection. Such moments of recognition contributed to the gradual development of empathy and trust.
At the same time, participants did not suggest that dialogue eliminated political disagreements. Rather, many interviewees emphasised that the programme enabled them to maintain relationships despite continuing differences in political perspectives. In this sense, the dialogue initiative encouraged participants to separate interpersonal relationships from broader political conflict.
This capacity to maintain communication despite disagreement represents an important element of relational peacebuilding. Participants began to develop the ability to engage with differences without immediately withdrawing from interaction.
Women’s Relational Agency in Peacebuilding
A recurring theme in participants’ narratives concerned the perceived role of women in sustaining dialogue and cooperation. Many interviewees expressed the belief that women possess particular capacities that enable them to maintain communication even in situations of tension.
Participants often associated women’s roles in dialogue with qualities such as patience, empathy, and long-term commitment to relationships. These characteristics were not described as innate biological traits but rather as abilities developed through social roles and responsibilities. Several participants explained that women’s experiences as caregivers, educators, and community organisers shape their approaches to communication and conflict resolution.
For example, some interviewees emphasised that women frequently manage relationships within families and communities, which requires them to negotiate differences and maintain social cohesion. These experiences may influence the ways in which women approach dialogue across conflict lines.
Participants frequently described women as capable of sustaining dialogue even during periods of tension because of their commitment to long-term relationships.
Importantly, participants did not portray women as inherently peaceful actors. Instead, they described women as individuals who often develop relational skills through their social experiences. Dialogue initiatives, therefore, provided a setting in which these relational capacities could be applied to intergroup engagement.
Through regular meetings, participants gradually developed interpersonal trust and a sense of collective responsibility for maintaining the dialogue space. Several interviewees explained that once relationships had formed within the group, participants felt motivated to protect those relationships even when political events created tension outside the dialogue setting.

4.3. Transnational Exposure: The United States Delegation

The delegation visit to the United States emerged as a particularly significant moment in participants’ experiences of the programme. During this visit, participants presented their dialogue initiative to diverse audiences, including Jewish, Muslim, Christian, and interfaith communities.
For many participants, this experience represented the first time they had publicly articulated their involvement in a peacebuilding initiative. Presenting their shared work to international audiences contributed to a sense of recognition and validation. Participants described feeling that their local efforts had gained broader significance through international exposure.
Several interviewees explained that travelling together strengthened the relationships that had already developed during the dialogue meetings. Spending extended time together during the delegation created additional opportunities for conversation, reflection, and mutual support.
Participants also emphasised the symbolic importance of presenting a joint narrative abroad. By speaking together about their dialogue initiative, Jewish and Arab participants positioned themselves as collaborators rather than as representatives of opposing sides in a conflict. This experience contributed to a shift in self-perception from individual participants in a dialogue programme to representatives of grassroots peacebuilding.
The transnational delegation transformed participants from local dialogue members into visible representatives of grassroots peacebuilding.
For several participants, the delegation therefore functioned as a moment of civic repositioning. They returned home with a strengthened sense of responsibility to continue dialogue and to share their experiences within their own communities.

4.4. Supplementary Survey Findings

The supplementary survey conducted among participants from later cohorts of the programme provides additional insight into perceived outcomes of the initiative. Although the survey sample was small, responses revealed several consistent patterns.
Participants reported increased levels of trust toward members of the other community following their participation in the dialogue programme. Many respondents also indicated that they were more willing to engage in future dialogue initiatives and to encourage others within their communities to participate in similar programmes.
Several participants described experiencing a greater sense of empowerment and civic engagement after completing the programme. They reported initiating conversations about dialogue within their families, workplaces, and community organisations. In some cases, participants also became involved in additional peacebuilding activities or intercommunity projects.
While the limited sample size prevents broad generalisation, the survey findings align with themes identified in the qualitative interviews. Together, these findings suggest that sustained dialogue initiatives may contribute to both interpersonal transformation and broader civic engagement.

5. Discussion

This study examined a women-led Jewish–Arab dialogue initiative in a context of protracted ethno-national conflict. By integrating qualitative interviews with participants and supplementary descriptive survey data, the findings illuminate how sustained intergroup dialogue, gendered relational practices, and transnational engagement interact to produce micro-level transformations.
The discussion focuses on three central themes emerging from the analysis: the limits and possibilities of intergroup contact in asymmetrical conflicts, the role of gendered agency in grassroots peacebuilding, and the significance of transnational recognition for sustaining local initiatives.

5.1. Contact Beyond Attitudes: Building Relational Infrastructure

Classical intergroup contact theory suggests that interaction between members of rival groups can reduce prejudice under appropriate conditions (Allport, 1954). Extensive empirical research has supported the general effectiveness of intergroup contact in improving intergroup attitudes (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). However, in contexts characterised by long-term political conflict and structural asymmetry, the effects of contact are often more complex.
The findings of this study suggest that the impact of the dialogue initiative did not primarily manifest as dramatic ideological change. Instead, transformation occurred through the gradual development of interpersonal relationships that enabled participants to maintain communication despite political disagreement. Participants frequently emphasised the importance of sustained encounters, shared experiences, and repeated dialogue sessions.
These elements, together, created a relational infrastructure that supported continued engagement among participants. Rather than producing immediate consensus, the dialogue initiative enabled participants to develop familiarity, empathy, and mutual recognition over time.
In protracted conflicts, the ability to sustain relationships across disagreement may represent a more realistic indicator of peacebuilding than ideological consensus.
This interpretation resonates with Mac Ginty’s (2014) concept of everyday peace, which highlights small-scale practices that help individuals navigate divided social environments. Participants in the dialogue initiative did not claim that their relationships resolved the broader political conflict. Instead, they described the initiative as creating a space where individuals could interact across social boundaries and gradually challenge stereotypes.
Such relational spaces may play an important role in divided societies where opportunities for intergroup contact are limited. Dialogue initiatives therefore function not only as educational programmes but also as social environments in which new patterns of interaction can develop.

5.2. Gendered Agency and Grassroots Peacebuilding

Another central theme emerging from the findings concerns the role of women in sustaining dialogue initiatives. Participants frequently described women as particularly capable of maintaining communication across conflict lines and sustaining long-term engagement within the programme.
These narratives align with feminist scholarship emphasising the role of women in grassroots peacebuilding efforts. Cockburn (2007) and Enloe (2000) have argued that women often engage in peace activism through informal networks and community-based initiatives rather than through formal political institutions.
At the same time, feminist scholars caution against essentialising women as inherently peaceful actors. Tickner (2001) emphasises that gender should be understood as a social structure shaping expectations and opportunities rather than as a biological determinant of behaviour.
The present study supports this perspective by demonstrating that participants themselves framed women’s roles in relational terms. Women were not described as inherently peaceful, but rather as individuals who often develop communication and mediation skills through their social roles in families and communities.
Participants also emphasised that dialogue spaces provided opportunities for women to exercise civic agency. Through participation in the initiative, women became involved in conversations about peace, community relations, and social change within their broader networks.
Women-led dialogue initiatives create spaces where relational skills developed in everyday life can become resources for peacebuilding.
In this sense, the dialogue initiative served as a platform for transforming everyday relational practices into civic engagement.
These findings are consistent with previous research demonstrating that women’s groups and associations can play a significant role in fostering Jewish–Arab coexistence at the local level. In mixed urban settings such as Acre, women-led initiatives have been shown to function as relational spaces that enable dialogue, sustain cross-community interaction, and promote cooperation between Arab and Jewish participants (removed for peer-review).

5.3. Transnational Recognition and Civic Repositioning

The United States delegation represented a key moment in participants’ experiences of the programme. Presenting their dialogue initiative to international audiences contributed to a shift in how participants understood their own roles within the peacebuilding process.
Several participants described the delegation as a moment of recognition in which their local activities gained broader significance. Speaking jointly about their experiences allowed Jewish and Arab participants to present a shared narrative of dialogue and cooperation.
This experience reflects broader patterns identified in research on transnational advocacy networks. Keck and Sikkink (1998) argue that international recognition can strengthen local activism by providing symbolic validation and expanding networks of support.
For participants in this study, transnational engagement also contributed to a sense of responsibility to continue dialogue within their own communities. Returning from the delegation, several interviewees described feeling motivated to share their experiences and encourage others to participate in similar initiatives.
International recognition can amplify the symbolic significance of local peace initiatives and strengthen participants’ commitment to continued engagement.
Transnational exposure, therefore, functioned not simply as a travel experience but as an important element of the programme’s transformative potential.

6. Theoretical Contribution

This study contributes to ongoing debates in peace and conflict studies by reconceptualising women-led grassroots dialogue initiatives as forms of relational infrastructure within protracted and asymmetrical conflicts. Rather than understanding dialogue primarily as a short-term intervention aimed at reducing prejudice, the findings suggest that sustained initiatives can generate layered transformations that unfold across relational, civic, and symbolic dimensions. The article, therefore, advances three interrelated theoretical contributions.

6.1. From Attitudes to Relational Capacity

Intergroup contact theory traditionally evaluates success primarily through attitudinal change. The central assumption of the theory is that contact between members of rival groups reduces prejudice and improves perceptions of the outgroup (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006). While this perspective has generated important insights, it may not fully capture the dynamics of dialogue within deeply polarised and asymmetrical conflicts.
The findings of this study suggest that the most significant outcome of sustained dialogue may not be ideological agreement but rather the development of what can be termed relational capacity. Relational capacity refers to the ability of individuals to maintain communication, recognition, and cooperation across political and social divides even during periods of tension or disagreement.
Participants in the dialogue initiative repeatedly emphasised that their relationships did not eliminate political differences. Instead, dialogue enabled them to remain engaged with members of the other community despite these differences. This suggests that the durability of relationships may represent a more meaningful indicator of transformation than shifts in attitudes alone.
Relational capacity reflects the ability to sustain engagement across political differences rather than to eliminate disagreement.
This conceptual shift moves the analytical focus from measuring attitudinal harmony toward examining the resilience of relationships within conflict environments.

6.2. Gendered Agency as Relational Practice

A second theoretical contribution concerns the conceptualisation of gendered agency in grassroots peacebuilding. Feminist peace scholarship has long emphasised the role of women in community-based peace initiatives. However, discussions of women’s contributions sometimes oscillate between celebration and essentialisation.
The findings of this study suggest that women’s roles in dialogue initiatives can be better understood as relational practices shaped by social context rather than as expressions of inherent characteristics. Participants frequently linked women’s capacity to sustain dialogue to their experiences within family and community networks where negotiation, communication, and emotional labour are everyday practices.
These relational skills become particularly significant within dialogue initiatives where participants must navigate sensitive political issues while maintaining interpersonal relationships. By sustaining dialogue across differences, women participants contribute to forms of social cohesion that may otherwise be difficult to achieve in divided societies.
Women’s contributions to peacebuilding often emerge through relational practices embedded in everyday social roles.
This perspective situates women not simply as symbolic representatives of peace but as active relational actors whose everyday experiences provide resources for dialogue and cooperation.

6.3. Linking Everyday Peace and Transnational Recognition

A third contribution concerns the relationship between everyday peace practices and transnational engagement. Existing scholarship on everyday peace highlights the small-scale interactions through which individuals navigate conflict environments (Mac Ginty, 2014). However, less attention has been paid to the ways in which local dialogue initiatives may be transformed through international exposure.
The findings indicate that the transnational delegation functioned as a mechanism of symbolic amplification. Presenting their initiative to international audiences strengthened participants’ sense of legitimacy and reinforced their commitment to dialogue. The delegation, therefore, created a link between micro-level relational practices and broader networks of recognition.
This dynamic suggests that grassroots peace initiatives operate within multiple interconnected scales. Local dialogue encounters generate relational change among participants, while transnational recognition can reinforce and expand the symbolic significance of these efforts.
Grassroots peace initiatives operate simultaneously at interpersonal, community, and transnational levels.
Understanding these layered dynamics can contribute to a more comprehensive theoretical framework for analysing peacebuilding initiatives in protracted conflicts.

7. Policy Implications

The findings of this study suggest several policy implications for practitioners and institutions involved in peacebuilding initiatives within protracted conflicts. While grassroots dialogue programmes are often perceived as small-scale interventions with limited political impact, the results presented here indicate that such initiatives may generate meaningful relational transformations that contribute to long-term social resilience.
First, the study highlights the importance of sustained dialogue structures rather than one-time encounters. Participants repeatedly emphasised that the most significant transformations occurred gradually through repeated meetings and continuous engagement. Dialogue programmes designed as short workshops or temporary projects may therefore fail to generate the relational depth necessary for long-term trust-building. Policymakers and civil society organisations should consider supporting longer-term initiatives that allow relationships to develop over extended periods.
Peacebuilding initiatives are most effective when dialogue is sustained over time rather than organised as isolated encounters.
Second, the findings suggest that women-led dialogue initiatives may represent particularly effective platforms for grassroots peacebuilding. Women participants often emphasised the relational nature of their engagement and their commitment to maintaining communication even during periods of political tension. Supporting women’s participation in peace initiatives therefore aligns not only with normative frameworks such as United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, but also with practical strategies for strengthening community-level dialogue.
However, the results also caution against treating women’s participation as purely symbolic. Effective policy interventions should provide women with meaningful opportunities to shape dialogue initiatives, influence programme design, and participate in decision-making processes. Without such opportunities, women’s participation risks becoming tokenistic rather than transformative.
Third, the study demonstrates the potential value of transnational exposure for local peace initiatives. The United States delegation allowed participants to present their experiences to international audiences and strengthened their sense of legitimacy and civic agency. International recognition can therefore play a role in sustaining grassroots initiatives by expanding networks of support and reinforcing participants’ motivation.
International engagement can amplify the symbolic impact of grassroots peace initiatives and reinforce participants’ commitment to continued dialogue.
For policymakers and international organisations, this suggests that exchange programmes, study visits, and transnational dialogue networks may provide valuable support for local peacebuilding initiatives. Such programmes should, however, be designed carefully to ensure that international exposure strengthens rather than distorts local initiatives.
Policy support for women-led associations should therefore be understood not merely as symbolic inclusion but as an investment in proven grassroots mechanisms of coexistence. Evidence from women’s initiatives in Acre suggests that such associations can strengthen intergroup communication and create durable local platforms for cooperation between Arab and Jewish communities (removed for peer-review).
Finally, the findings indicate that grassroots dialogue initiatives may serve as complementary mechanisms to formal peace processes. While such programmes cannot replace political negotiations or structural reforms, they may help build the social foundations necessary for sustainable peace. By fostering interpersonal relationships across conflict lines, dialogue initiatives create opportunities for communities to engage with differences constructively.

8. Limitations and Future Research

As with any qualitative research project, this study has several limitations that should be acknowledged when interpreting the findings. Recognising these limitations is important for situating the results within the broader literature on peacebuilding and intergroup dialogue.
First, the study focuses on a relatively small sample of participants involved in a single dialogue initiative. Although qualitative research aims to provide depth rather than statistical generalisation, the experiences of these participants may not represent the full diversity of perspectives present within Jewish and Arab communities in Israel. Future research could expand the scope of analysis by examining multiple dialogue initiatives across different regions.
Second, the study relies primarily on self-reported perceptions expressed during interviews and survey responses. Participants may interpret their experiences through narratives that emphasise positive outcomes or minimise tensions. While such narratives are themselves valuable sources of insight, additional research methods—such as longitudinal observation or comparative analysis—could provide further understanding of how dialogue initiatives influence behaviour over time.
Third, the supplementary survey included a relatively small number of participants from later programme cohorts. As a result, the survey findings should be interpreted cautiously and understood as descriptive rather than statistically representative. Future studies could employ larger survey samples in order to examine patterns of change across broader participant groups.
Understanding the long-term effects of dialogue initiatives requires longitudinal research that follows participants beyond the immediate programme setting.
Future research could also explore how dialogue participants influence their broader communities after completing such programmes. Several participants in the present study reported sharing their experiences with family members, colleagues, and community networks. Investigating these forms of indirect impact may provide important insights into the broader societal effects of grassroots dialogue initiatives.
Finally, further research is needed to examine how gender interacts with other social factors—including class, religion, and professional background—in shaping participants’ experiences within dialogue initiatives. Such intersectional analysis could contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how different forms of social identity influence peacebuilding processes.

9. Conclusions

This article examined a women-led Jewish–Arab dialogue initiative operating in the Western Galilee and explored how sustained grassroots encounters contribute to peacebuilding within a protracted conflict environment. By integrating qualitative interviews with participants and supplementary descriptive survey data, the study provides insight into the relational dynamics that emerge within dialogue initiatives.
The findings suggest that the primary contribution of the programme lies not in dramatic ideological transformation but in the gradual development of relational capacity. Through repeated encounters, participants developed the ability to sustain communication and cooperation across political divides. These relationships enabled participants to challenge stereotypes, recognise shared experiences, and maintain engagement even during periods of tension.
Women participants played a central role in sustaining the dialogue process. Their engagement reflected relational practices shaped by everyday social experiences, including communication, mediation, and long-term commitment to relationships. Dialogue initiatives, therefore, created spaces in which these relational capacities could be mobilised as resources for peacebuilding.
Grassroots dialogue initiatives demonstrate that peacebuilding can emerge through sustained relationships that persist despite political disagreement.
The transnational delegation further amplified the symbolic significance of the initiative by positioning participants as representatives of grassroots peacebuilding efforts. International recognition reinforced participants’ sense of civic agency and strengthened their commitment to continuing dialogue within their communities.
Taken together, these findings highlight the importance of understanding peacebuilding as a multi-layered relational process. While political agreements remain essential for resolving conflicts, everyday interactions between individuals can play a crucial role in sustaining coexistence within divided societies. Women-led dialogue initiatives, therefore, represent important spaces where the social foundations of peace can gradually be constructed.

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