Climate Change, Sustainable Development Goal 13, and Adaptive Pathways in the Kenyan Drylands Using Social Media

1. Introduction

Adaptation to climate change is essential in the context of rising greenhouse gas emissions, increasing extreme weather events, and ongoing environmental degradation. Sustainable Development Goal 13 (Climate Action) emphasizes strengthening resilience and adaptive capacity (United Nations, 2015; Epule et al., 2017). The Paris Agreement (2015) further highlights that adaptation should be country-driven, participatory, and informed by both scientific and local knowledge, while integrated across policy domains (IPCC, 2015; Ford et al., 2016).

Despite this emphasis, national-level adaptation strategies often prioritize technological and economic interventions—those more readily measurable—over social dimensions such as equity, justice, collaboration, and institutional flexibility (Patterson et al., 2017; Stojanovic et al., 2016; McIlwain et al., 2023). This imbalance limits the effectiveness of adaptation efforts. Indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) plays a critical role in understanding climate impacts on biophysical and socioeconomic systems, yet a gap persists between globally defined indicators and locally relevant priorities (McElwee et al., 2020; Zorondo-Rodríguez et al., 2014). Although local knowledge has historically been undervalued, it is increasingly recognized as empirically robust and essential for effective adaptation (Lauer, 2017).

This paper examines how Kenyan pastoralists articulate perspectives on climate change and adaptation through social media. The analysis addresses the challenge of linking localized knowledge with national and global frameworks such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), where local contributions are often underrepresented. The objective is to connect pastoralist perspectives, as expressed through digital networks, to inform more contextually grounded adaptation strategies for Kenya’s drylands. We argue that achieving international climate goals requires integrating social dimensions of adaptation at appropriate scales.

Adaptation is defined in multiple ways within the global environmental change literature (Feola, 2015). We adopt an adaptation pathways framework that links climate uncertainty, governance, and decision-making. This framework is guided by four principles: (1) climate impacts and responses are embedded within social-ecological systems; (2) adaptation must account for diverse and potentially conflicting stakeholder values and knowledge systems; (3) responses must operate across multiple spatial scales and sectors; and (4) planning should address both immediate drivers of vulnerability and underlying systemic factors, including institutional and political marginalization (Butler et al., 2016).

1.1. Climate Change Adaptation in Africa

Although Africa contributes relatively little to global greenhouse gas emissions, it is among the region’s most vulnerable to anthropogenic climate change (Amegah et al., 2016). Projected impacts include rising temperatures, more frequent extreme heat, greater rainfall variability, increasing aridity, more frequent flooding, and sea-level rise, all of which threaten food and water security and the ecosystem services on which many livelihoods depend (Alagidede et al., 2016; Coffel et al., 2017; Serdeczny et al., 2017; Fuller et al., 2018). These multiple stressors underscore the need for effective adaptation strategies across the continent.

SDG 13 (Climate Action) promotes climate adaptation through nationally defined targets and indicators. Complementing this approach, the African Union’s Policy Framework for Pastoralism in Africa (African Union, 2013) provides a continent-wide framework for protecting pastoral livelihoods. Together, these initiatives establish a nested governance structure spanning global, continental, national, and local scales. However, pastoral systems operate according to ecological and social processes that frequently transcend administrative boundaries, creating challenges for implementing policies designed at broader scales.

Effective adaptation requires meaningful participation by local actors. Local engagement improves the relevance, legitimacy, and effectiveness of adaptation strategies by incorporating social, cultural, and environmental knowledge into decision-making (Sterling et al., 2017). Strong social capital—including inclusive institutions, transparent governance, fair conflict-resolution mechanisms, and opportunities for dialogue—further enhances community-based resource management (Musavengane & Simatele, 2017; Fjelde & von Uexkull, 2012; Hendrix & Salehyan, 2012). In contrast, elite capture can undermine trust, equity, and effective governance (Sterling et al., 2017).

Despite broad recognition of the importance of local participation, significant challenges remain in connecting place-based knowledge with policies developed at national, continental, and global scales. Aggregating local perspectives into broader policy frameworks can obscure important social and ecological differences, limiting the effectiveness of adaptation strategies. Addressing these cross-scale disconnects is therefore essential for developing adaptation policies that are both locally relevant and broadly applicable. Social media reveals the adaptation pathways and local priorities that conventional SDG reporting and national policy fail to capture.

1.2. Climate Change in the Dryland Regions of Kenya

Approximately 80% of Kenya consists of arid and semi-arid lands (ASALs) (Figure 1). These regions support about 10 million people, many of whom depend on pastoralism for their livelihoods. Livestock production contributes an estimated 10–13% of Kenya’s gross domestic product (GDP) and remains the most viable land-use system in much of the country’s drylands (Obath, 2020). In northern Kenya, pastoralism provides approximately 90% of youth employment and more than 95% of rural household income (Mokku, 2023).

Kenya’s drylands are experiencing increasing climate variability, including recurrent droughts, erratic rainfall, water scarcity, and episodic flooding (Connolly-Boutin & Smit, 2016). These pressures are compounded by population growth, expanding infrastructure, and fragmentation of rangelands, all of which reduce livestock mobility—a fundamental adaptation strategy that enables pastoralists to access seasonal forage and water (Galvin et al., 2020; Reid et al., 2014). Together, these environmental and socioeconomic pressures threaten the long-term resilience of pastoral livelihoods.

Kenya has developed several policy instruments to strengthen climate adaptation in pastoral regions, including the National Policy for the Sustainable Development of Northern Kenya and Other Arid Lands (GOK, 2012), the Community Land Act (GOK, 2016), and County Integrated Development Plans (CIDPs), which were introduced following devolution to better align national priorities with county-level development needs (CIDP, 2018). Despite these initiatives, participation by dryland communities in national climate policy remains limited. The Climate Governance in Kenya report identifies stakeholder engagement as a continuing weakness in climate governance (Climate Action Tracker, 2020).

This disconnect between national policy and local experience motivates the present study. Examining how Indigenous pastoralists discuss climate change through social media provides insight into locally perceived priorities, adaptation needs, and the extent to which existing policies reflect community perspectives.

2.1. Research Approach

This study uses digital ethnography to examine how Kenyan pastoralists and organizations discuss climate change and adaptation through social media. Digital ethnography treats online communication as a legitimate field site in which people construct meaning, exchange knowledge, and engage in social and political processes (Ardèvol & Gómez-Cruz, 2014; Bruijn, 2022; Muindi, 2018; Mosse, 2011). Because digital interactions are embedded within everyday social life rather than separate from it, social media provides a valuable setting for examining contemporary environmental discourse (Aykut et al., 2024; Lähdesmäki et al., 2020). In a regional case, Serengeti Watch utilized a Facebook campaign to oppose a proposed highway, raising international awareness, influencing the Tanzanian government, and coordinating with other NGOs (Gardner, 2017).

Digital spaces have assumed an even greater role in public debates since the COVID-19 pandemic and are increasingly recognized as platforms for communication and discussion (Aykut et al., 2024). Platforms like X have provided activists and civil society leaders with direct communication channels to their audiences. Even in areas described as remote, mobile phones and social media increasingly allow individuals and organizations to engage with and discuss climate impacts and solutions (Bruijn, 2022).

2.2. Data Collection

Publicly accessible social media content was collected from Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and Instagram between May 2023 and August 2025 (Figure 2). These platforms were selected because they are widely used by Kenyan government agencies, civil society organizations, news media, and pastoral organizations to communicate about climate change and environmental issues. See Supplementary Materials for specific search terms for all platforms. Although Facebook has the largest user base in Kenya, X plays a particularly important role in climate advocacy and policy discussions (Kemp, 2024; Aykut et al., 2024).

Although Facebook has the largest user base in Kenya, X plays a particularly important role in climate advocacy and policy discussions (Marion Suiseeya & Zanotti, 2019; Kemp, 2024; Aykut et al., 2024). The analysis focused on posts authored by Kenyan pastoral NGOs, civil society organizations, government agencies, newspapers, and recognized community leaders. The data were collected from 20 organizations and individual activists/leaders, with 135 posts; nine news media organizations provided 63 posts, and 10 government agencies provided 59 posts. A total of 257 posts were analyzed. See Supplementary Material, Tables S1–S3 for specific user groups and platform details. Account identities were verified through organizational websites and other publicly available sources to improve contextual reliability (Rana et al., 2022). Social media content was interpreted alongside government documents and news reports to provide contextual triangulation. Searches were designed to capture discussions of climate change and adaptation in Kenya’s drylands rather than to provide an exhaustive inventory of Kenyan social media.

2.3. Data Analysis

All materials were imported into Quirkos (i.e., qualitative data analysis software) and analyzed using inductive open coding (Ryan & Bernard, 2023). Authors (Z W-H and KG) examined the posts, identifying frequent and significant concepts. Codes were iteratively grouped into broader thematic categories. We applied the codes to relevant text, keeping notes of recurring ideas (Braun & Clark, 2006, 2013). We debriefed to describe the codes, discussing the links between themes and patterns (Lincoln & Guba, 1986). For example, codes related to drought, water shortages, and water infrastructure were combined into the broader theme Water.

2. Results

Five major themes emerged from the digital ethnographic analysis: Water, Rangelands, Communication, Gender, and Climate Finance. Table 1 summarizes the frequency of these themes across organizations, news media, government agencies, individual activists, and digital platforms (Facebook, X, Instagram, and organizational websites).

Across all sources, Rangelands was the most prominent theme, followed by Water. The remaining themes—Climate Finance, Communication, and Gender—appeared less frequently, although their relative prominence varied among source types. Organizations emphasized rangelands, news media focused primarily on water and rangelands, while government agencies distributed attention more evenly across water, communication, and rangelands. These patterns provide the basis for the thematic analysis presented below.

3.1. Water

Water emerged as a dominant theme in discussions of climate change in Kenya’s drylands. Across social media platforms, drought, water scarcity, flooding, and water management were consistently identified as major threats to pastoral livelihoods. Contributors emphasized that recurrent water shortages limit their ability to adapt to climate change by reducing access to drinking water for people and livestock, constraining mobility, and increasing livelihood insecurity. Improving access to clean water for both people and livestock was seen as an essential basic service.^[1] Pastoral groups, in particular, noted that the climate crisis is no longer a looming disaster but an already felt reality.^[2] During the 2023 drought, Kenya lost approximately 2.5 million livestock, while millions more experienced severe shortages of pasture and water (Mokku, 2023).

Flooding was also widely discussed, particularly in county government communications from areas such as Garissa, where extreme rainfall damages infrastructure, degrades water resources, and disrupts livelihoods. Social media posts and policy documents from county governments, such as Garissa County, indicate that the county is prone to flooding, which threatens livelihoods and leads to environmental degradation^[3]. Social media highlighted locally led adaptation initiatives, including the work of the Ildalalekutuk Maasai Action for Development in Kajiado County, which promotes reliable access to clean water and reduces the burden on women and girls, who often travel long distances to collect it. Efforts to increase access to water keeps girls in school^[4]. These initiatives emphasize community participation and collaboration among local organizations, county governments, national agencies, faith groups, NGOs, and development partners.

Posts from community organizations and NGOs frequently described practical adaptation measures, including rainwater harvesting, construction of water pans, dams, and boreholes, restoration of wetlands and seasonal rivers, and improved irrigation practices^[5]. Women in particular use year-round access to water for crop irrigation, which cushions them against food insecurity^[6],[7]. However, contributors also expressed concern that poorly planned water infrastructure, particularly new dams and boreholes, could degrade natural lakes, rivers, and wetlands, illustrating tensions between expanding water access and protecting ecosystems^[8].

A recurring theme across platforms was concern about climate governance and financing around water issues. Kenya has established legal and institutional frameworks to address water issues in the context of climate change, including county-level Climate Change Funds^[9] that allocate resources to water management projects, and the integration of water resource management in Climate Change Action Plans. Numerous posts called for greater accountability, increased investment in grassroots organizations, and stronger community participation in decisions regarding water management and climate^[10].

These social media discussions illustrate an adaptation pathway focused on community water governance. Pastoral communities frame water security as both a technical challenge and socio-ecological system requiring adaptive management under increasingly uncertain climatic conditions.

3.2. Rangelands

Rangelands emerged as the most prominent theme across the digital ethnographic data. Social media discussions consistently identified rangeland degradation as a major consequence of climate change and a direct threat to pastoral livelihoods. Contributors linked prolonged drought, overgrazing, deforestation, and unsustainable land use to declining forage availability, livestock losses, and reduced household food security. Many posts also highlighted the spread of invasive species, particularly Opuntia and Prosopis juliflora, which further reduce grazing quality and limit access to productive rangelands^[11].

Posts from pastoral organizations, NGOs, and government agencies emphasized a range of adaptation strategies intended to improve rangeland resilience. Frequently discussed approaches included rotational grazing, establishment of grazing blocks, restoration of degraded rangelands, conservation of drought-tolerant indigenous livestock breeds such as Red Maasai sheep and Sahiwal cattle, and diversification of livelihoods through activities including beekeeping, ecotourism, handicrafts, and, where feasible, crop production^[12],[13] . Several posts also described the development of grass banks, hay reserves, dams, and boreholes to increase resilience during drought, often through partnerships involving county governments, national agencies, and international organizations such as the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organization.

A recurring concern across social media was the governance of shared rangeland resources. Contributors described increasing competition for grazing land and water as drought intensifies, leading to conflict within and across communities^[14]. Cross-border livestock mobility was frequently presented as both an essential adaptation strategy and a growing source of political tension over resources^[15]. Discussions surrounding the 2024 negotiations between Kenya and Uganda to develop a Memorandum of Understanding on cross-border pastoral mobility reflected support for regional cooperation, but many contributors questioned whether existing agreements provide sufficient policy direction, funding, or enforcement to protect pastoralists’ access to shared rangeland resources^[16].

Rangeland social media posts reveal adaptation as a dynamic process under rapidly changing conditions. Successful adaptation depends on protecting movement across landscapes, restoring degraded ecosystems, and supporting pastoral livelihoods. These discussions highlight an adaptive pathway where resilience is based upon flexible management rather than fixed land use strategies.

3.3. Communication

Communication emerged as a central component of climate adaptation in Kenya’s drylands. Communication—especially early warning systems—is viewed as a critical adaptation tool, but current systems remain inaccessible to many pastoralists due to language barriers, geographic isolation, and limited integration of Indigenous knowledge.

Across government agencies, NGOs, news media, and community organizations, social media discussions emphasized the importance of timely, accessible, and locally relevant climate information^{[17],[18],[19]}. National and county climate policies similarly identify public awareness, education, and stakeholder engagement as essential components of climate adaptation, with increasing emphasis on early warning systems and community participation^[20],[21].

Early warning systems were among the most frequently discussed adaptation strategies. Social media posts highlighted the value of weather forecasting, drought monitoring, and climate information services in reducing livestock losses and improving pastoral decision-making^[22]. Contributors described initiatives led by the Kenya Meteorological Department, the International Livestock Research Institute, county governments, and international partners to expand climate forecasting, automatic weather stations, and localized weather information^{[23],[24],[25],[26]} . Examples included text-message forecasts delivered in local languages to support pastoral mobility and grazing decisions^[27]. Due to increasingly extreme and unreliable weather conditions, pastoralists are looking to other sources of information, technologies, and management practices rather than relying solely on traditional knowledge^{[28],[29],[30],[31]} .

Despite these advances, social media discussions consistently identified barriers to effective communication. Contributors noted that many pastoral communities have limited access to meteorological information, difficulties interpreting technical forecasts, and inadequate access to services because of distance, digital infrastructure, or language^[32],[33]. Numerous posts emphasized that climate information should be communicated in local languages and integrated with Indigenous knowledge to improve its relevance and credibility^[34]. Rather than replacing traditional environmental knowledge, contributors argued that scientific forecasting and Indigenous knowledge should complement one another to strengthen locally appropriate adaptation strategies^[35].

Beyond weather forecasting, discussions also emphasized the need for improved communication regarding rangeland degradation, climate risks, and community-based monitoring. Across platforms, communication was framed not simply as information dissemination but as a participatory process that enables informed decision-making and strengthens climate resilience^[36],[37].

Communication enables communities to share, adjust, and anticipate climate impacts through information exchange. Adapative strategies integrate scientific forecasting with Indigenous knowledge, improve access through the use of local languages, and identify ways to strengthen two-way exchanges between communities and institutions.

3.4. Gender Issues

Across Kenyan social media and policy documents, women and girls are consistently portrayed as disproportionately affected by climate change, particularly in the drylands^[38]. Posts frequently emphasize that prolonged drought, resource scarcity, and environmental degradation intensify existing gender inequalities. Water insecurity is a recurring concern because women are traditionally responsible for collecting household water. As shallow wells become less reliable, they must travel longer distances to obtain water, increasing both their workload and exposure to physical risks^[39],[40]. Discussions also highlight higher rates of malnutrition among women and girls, increased mortality during climate-related disasters, greater incidence of child marriage as drought places economic stress on households, and heightened gender-based violence associated with resource scarcity^{[41],[42],[43],[44]}.

At the same time, social media presents pastoralist women not simply as vulnerable populations but as essential actors in climate adaptation. Numerous posts argue that women should play a larger role in climate policy development, implementation, and international climate negotiations because of their extensive knowledge of food production, livestock management, and local ecosystems^{[45],[46],[47]}. Women’s leadership is also linked to broader issues of food sovereignty, land tenure, and sustainable rangeland management^{[48],[49],[50],} . Examples include Samburu women’s groups leading rangeland restoration initiatives to improve pasture conditions for livestock and wildlife^[51],[52] and the women-led Spring of the ASAL (Arid and Semi-Arid Lands) initiative, which combines community-based adaptation with efforts to reduce gender inequality and strengthen women’s roles within pastoralist communities^[53].

Food security and livelihood diversification are among the most common themes associated with women’s adaptation strategies. Social media highlights women harvesting rainwater for crop irrigation, producing grass seed and hay for income generation, participating in tree-planting programs, and joining other nature-based livelihood initiatives^[54]. News reports similarly describe pastoral households increasingly participating in women’s collectives to diversify incomes during periods of climatic uncertainty^[55]. Other examples include national campaigns promoting women-led climate action through clean cooking technologies, which reduce dependence on fuelwood while decreasing the time women and girls spend collecting firewood^[56],[57].

Government policies broadly reinforce these themes through commitments to gender inclusion, although they typically frame women within broader categories of vulnerable populations. Garissa County’s Development Plan (2023–2027) reports increased household access to clean cooking technologies and emphasizes gender mainstreaming across all development sectors^[58],[59]. Similarly, the Garissa County Climate Change Fund Act (2018), Kenya’s Climate Change Amendment Bill (2023), and the Ministry of Environment’s Climate Change Plan (2023–2027) all call for gender-responsive climate action, equitable representation, and economic empowerment of women through climate and landscape restoration programs^{[60],[61],[62],[63]}.

Despite these policy commitments, important differences emerge between official discourse and grassroots narratives. Government documents generally emphasize gender equity through representation, mainstreaming, and assistance to vulnerable groups. For example, the Deputy Governor of Marsabit County encouraged women, youth, and persons with disabilities to organize collectively to access government and NGO resources^[64]. In contrast, social media discussions more frequently portray women as knowledgeable leaders whose lived experience and environmental expertise are critical for successful climate adaptation. At the same time, posts acknowledge ongoing structural barriers, particularly in counties such as Turkana, where women remain underrepresented in local governance and face limited access to markets and public services. Overall, grassroots discussions frame women’s knowledge and leadership as central to climate adaptation, whereas government policies more often position women within broader frameworks of vulnerability and social inclusion.

Gender-related discussions demonstrate that adaptation pathways are strengthened when women are recognized as knowledge holders, decision-makers, and leaders rather than solely as vulnerable populations. Social media consistently portrays women’s environmental knowledge, livelihood diversification, and community leadership as essential capacities for building resilience. This theme expands adaptation beyond reducing vulnerability to enhancing the agency and adaptive capacity of pastoral communities.

3.5. Climate Finance

Climate finance refers to financial mechanisms that support greenhouse gas mitigation, climate adaptation, and sustainable development at global, national, and local levels (Wang & Tang, 2026). Although climate finance receives relatively little direct attention in Kenyan social media, discussions frequently focus on the funding and implementation of climate initiatives, government programs, and community projects. Financial support is generally framed as essential for strengthening local resilience, improving water security, restoring ecosystems, and supporting pastoral livelihoods.

Many discussions highlight international and national financing mechanisms that support climate adaptation. In 2023, the European Union provided €13 million to Kenya to strengthen climate change mitigation and support a transition from reactive drought response to proactive drought management^[65]. Similarly, the National Drought Emergency Fund supports drought risk management through investments such as modernized early warning systems^[66]. The World Bank-funded Financing Locally Led Climate Action (FLLoCA) program operates across all 47 Kenyan counties and emphasizes participatory planning. For example, Kajiado County used the program to convene local stakeholders in identifying climate risks, priorities, and adaptation strategies^[67].

At the community level, social media emphasizes practical adaptation projects that depend on sustained external funding. Frequently discussed initiatives include water harvesting infrastructure, dams, water pans, piped water systems, catchment restoration, regenerative pastoralism, tree planting, and improved livestock management^[68]. Several organizations are attempting to develop longer-term financing models. The Maasai Center for Regenerative Pastoralism, for example, combines tourism, education, and training in holistic grazing and drought-resilient agricultural practices to generate financial support while strengthening local livelihoods^[69]. County governments similarly promote locally financed adaptation through initiatives such as Garissa County’s Million Trees program, planned grazing, and promotion of indigenous livestock breeds^[70],[71]. County Climate Change Funds in counties including Turkana, Marsabit, and Garissa provide financial support for locally identified adaptation priorities, while nongovernmental organizations such as Spring of the ASAL and Friends of Lake Turkana mobilize additional resources for projects including water access, ecosystem restoration, and tree planting^[72],[73].

Carbon finance generates substantially more debate than other forms of climate funding. Government policies generally present carbon markets as opportunities to finance sustainable development and low-carbon growth, while social media, newspaper articles, and civil society organizations express a broader range of perspectives regarding their effectiveness and distributional impacts. National and county policies consistently promote emissions reductions and renewable energy, including solar-powered irrigation, geothermal development, and other low-carbon technologies. At the same time, public discussions question whether carbon finance adequately benefits pastoralist communities or primarily serves external interests^[74],[75].

The Northern Rangelands Trust carbon project illustrates these tensions. Since 2010, the project has generated carbon credits through rangeland management and conservation activities^[76]. Supporters argue that revenues strengthen conservancies and improve rangeland management, whereas critics question whether financial benefits reach participating communities, whether estimates of carbon sequestration are adequately verified, and whether prescribed rotational grazing systems conflict with customary pastoral management practices and local governance institutions^[77],[78]. These concerns illustrate broader debates about equity, accountability, and the compatibility of market-based conservation with Indigenous pastoral systems^{[79],[80],[81]}.

Similar debates surround Kenya’s Climate Change (Amendment) Bill of 2023, which seeks to expand carbon credit markets^[82]. While the legislation prohibits approval of emissions-credit projects associated with human rights violations or significant social and environmental harm, civil society organizations argue that it provides insufficient safeguards for community participation, land rights, and equitable benefit sharing^[83]. Critics also contend that carbon offset markets do not address the underlying drivers of greenhouse gas emissions because they allow continued emissions elsewhere while shifting mitigation activities to pastoral landscapes. Although the legislation identifies communities as stakeholders in negotiating community development agreements, questions remain regarding the strength of consultation requirements and mechanisms for ensuring meaningful local participation^{[84],[85],[86]}.

Overall, discussions of climate finance reveal a contrast between official policy and grassroots perspectives. Government agencies emphasize international investment, carbon markets, and institutional financing as mechanisms for achieving climate adaptation and low-carbon development. In contrast, social media and civil society discussions focus more heavily on whether financial resources reach local communities, support locally identified priorities, respect land rights, and strengthen rather than undermine pastoral livelihoods. Across both perspectives, adequate and sustained financing is viewed as essential for building climate resilience in Kenya’s drylands.

Climate fincance social media discussions reveal that adaptation depends on both availability of financial resources but also on how resources are governed and aligned with local priorities. From an adaptive pathways perspective, equitable and participatory financing is viewed as an essential component of long-term climate resilience rather than simply a source of project funding.

4. Discussion

This study demonstrates that social media provides a valuable perspective on climate adaptation priorities among Kenya’s dryland pastoral communities that is often absent from national policy documents and SDG reporting. Although the five themes identified through our analysis closely align with Kenya’s climate policies and broader international frameworks—including the SDGs, the Policy Framework for Pastoralism in Africa, and the Community Land Act—they also reveal important differences in emphasis between national policy objectives and locally articulated priorities. These findings suggest that effective climate adaptation depends not only on well-designed national policies but on mechanisms that enable local knowledge, experiences, and institutions to shape policy implementation.

The themes identified in this study illustrate the interconnected nature of the SDGs. While the research focuses primarily on SDG 13 (Climate Action), pastoral concerns extend across multiple goals. Rangeland degradation, mobility, and conflict are closely linked to SDG 15 (Life on Land), water insecurity reflects SDG 6 (Clean Water and Sanitation), and gender inequalities are directly related to SDG 5 (Gender Equality). These findings reinforce previous work demonstrating that climate adaptation in pastoral systems cannot be separated from broader social, ecological, and governance objectives.

The results reinforce growing evidence that successful adaptation requires combining national policy frameworks with Indigenous and local knowledge (Friis-Hansen, 2017; Magni, 2017; McElwee et al., 2020; Adenle et al., 2017). Although Kenyan climate policies increasingly recognize participation and traditional knowledge, social media discussions indicate that many pastoral communities continue to perceive a gap between policy commitments and implementation. Local organizations consistently emphasize participation, mobility, land rights, water security, and women’s leadership as immediate priorities, suggesting that adaptation is viewed less as a technical exercise than as a process of strengthening local institutions and livelihoods.

One of the clearest findings is the mismatch between the scales at which climate policy is designed and the scales at which pastoral adaptation occurs. National policies establish broad institutional frameworks and financing mechanisms, whereas pastoral livelihoods depend on highly localized ecological conditions, seasonal mobility, and community governance that frequently extend across county and international borders. Consequently, nationally aggregated indicators often fail to capture the diversity of adaptation needs across Kenya’s drylands. Place-based adaptation strategies therefore require locally relevant social and ecological information, including land tenure arrangements, resource access, mobility patterns, and ecological monitoring, together with adequate financial resources and institutional support (Ndiritu et al., 2025).

The adaptation pathways framework provides a useful lens for interpreting these findings because it emphasizes that adaptation involves governance, knowledge systems, spatial scale, and structural inequalities rather than simply technical interventions (Table 2; Patterson et al., 2017). Across all four pathway principles, social media consistently highlights the importance of strengthening relationships between national institutions and local communities.

The first pathway underscores the importance of institutions and politics. The Intergovernmental Relations Act (2012), for example, prioritizes the involvement of pastoralists in policymaking. Pastoral communities repeatedly call for stronger representation in policy development and greater recognition of customary governance institutions. These institutions have historically managed common resources, mobility, and conflict resolution and remain central to adaptation in highly variable dryland environments.

The second pathway emphasizes the need to recognize diverse goals, values, and knowledge systems, though it is often included in plans and programs, such as those of the National Council for Nomadic Education (NACONEK). Although Kenyan policies increasingly acknowledge participation, social media discussions suggest that local knowledge is still insufficiently incorporated into planning and implementation. Particular emphasis is placed on women’s leadership, pastoral education, secure land rights, and livelihood diversification as prerequisites for effective adaptation, as envisioned by the National Land Use Policy (GOK, 2017).

The third pathway highlights the importance of multiple spatial and institutional scales (Geels, 2019). This emerged as one of the most significant challenges identified in the study. Adaptation policies frequently operate at the national or county level, while pastoral systems function across landscapes that span administrative boundaries. Bridging these jurisdictional mismatches will require greater coordination among government agencies, stronger support for cross-border mobility, and improved mechanisms for incorporating local priorities into planning processes. For example, the Equalization Fund (2021), which provides funding to marginal areas at the sub-county level, is an effort of this type of cross-scale coordination.

Finally, the fourth pathway demonstrates that adaptation strategies must address both immediate climate risks and the systemic factors that produce vulnerability. Investments in early warning systems, climate finance, rotational grazing, water infrastructure, and drought preparedness remain important, but their effectiveness depends on addressing broader issues of political representation, gender inequality, land tenure, and equitable access to resources. The National Policy on Gender and Development (2019) is an example of efforts to examine and improve existing policies for vulnerable populations. These structural dimensions of vulnerability were consistently emphasized across social media discussions but were generally less prominent in official policy documents.

Taken together, the findings suggest that Kenya has developed a comprehensive national policy framework for climate adaptation, yet important implementation gaps remain at the local level. Social media provides a complementary source of evidence that captures community priorities, concerns, and emerging adaptation practices that are often overlooked by conventional policy assessments. Incorporating these perspectives into county and national planning could strengthen participatory governance, improve the targeting of climate investments, and increase the effectiveness and legitimacy of adaptation policies in Kenya’s drylands.

5. Conclusions

Social media reveals local adaptation priorities that are largely missing from national climate policy and SDG implementation, and these perspectives should inform future adaptation planning.

This study demonstrates that social media provides an important window into how pastoral communities in Kenya’s drylands understand climate change, identify adaptation priorities, and evaluate government responses. Although Kenya has developed an extensive policy framework to support climate adaptation and implementation of SDG 13, our findings reveal a persistent gap between national policy objectives and locally expressed priorities. Social media captures perspectives that are often absent from formal policy documents, including concerns about rangeland degradation, water insecurity, pastoral mobility, gender equity, climate finance, and community participation.

The findings suggest that achieving climate adaptation in ways that are both socially equitable and environmentally sustainable requires greater integration of Indigenous and local knowledge into planning, implementation, and evaluation. Adaptation strategies should be developed through participatory processes that recognize the diversity of Kenya’s drylands rather than relying primarily on nationally aggregated indicators. Because adaptation needs vary across ecological, cultural, and institutional contexts, place-based approaches are essential for ensuring that policies respond to local priorities and strengthen pastoral livelihoods.

The adaptation pathways framework highlights that successful adaptation extends beyond technical interventions. Strengthening local institutions, improving coordination across governance scales, expanding meaningful participation, addressing gender inequities, and ensuring equitable access to climate finance are all necessary components of resilient pastoral systems. Although Kenya has adopted progressive national policies that recognize many of these principles, implementation remains uneven, and local communities continue to identify significant barriers to participation and resource access.

More broadly, this study demonstrates the value of social media as a complementary source of evidence for climate adaptation research. Digital conversations provide timely insights into community concerns, emerging adaptation practices, and perceptions of policy implementation that are difficult to capture through conventional policy analysis alone. Integrating these perspectives into county and national planning could improve the legitimacy, responsiveness, and effectiveness of climate adaptation strategies.

As climate change intensifies across Africa’s drylands, strengthening partnerships among governments, civil society organizations, researchers, and pastoral communities will be increasingly important. Policies that recognize local knowledge, support hybrid governance systems that combine customary and formal institutions, and ensure that adaptation investments reach local communities are likely to be more effective in building resilience while advancing both sustainable development and climate justice.

Note:^a[Drylands are defined as areas where the aridity index (AI = annual precipitation ÷ potential evapotranspiration) is less than 0.65 (Reid et al., 2014; Reynolds et al., 2007). These regions have low and unpredictable rainfall, high evaporation rates and sparse vegetation. They cover about 41% of the Earth’s land surface and drylands is the term used in UN frameworks. Arid and semi-arid lands (ASALs) are a subset of global drylands, and the term is most often used in East Africa regarding development policy, pastoralism, and drought management (GOK, 2012; Opiyo et al., 2014). Rangelands are ecosystems managed primarily for grazing livestock and wildlife. They are dominated by native vegetation such as grasses, shrubs and open landscapes rather than crops (Reid et al., 2014; Allen et al., 2011).