Towards Circular Economy: Policies and Acts Governing Municipal Solid Waste Management and Innovation Opportunities for Inclusive Solid Waste Management in Ghana

1. Introduction

The global transition toward a circular economy has redefined Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) management from a public health and environmental burden into a strategic resource, important for achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 11 (sustainable cities and communities) and 12 (responsible consumption and production) [1,2]. MSW management is the supervised handling of MSW (wastes generated from households, industries, and commercial institutions) from the source to the final disposal [3]. That includes collection, transfer, resource recovery, recycling, and treatment. For rapidly urbanising developing Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries (e.g., Ghana) where unsustainable production and consumption pattern has rendered traditional linear approach obsolete and ecologically hazardous, achieving the transition to circular economy is no longer merely a policy preference but a necessity for the country’s development [4]. The Government of Ghana, for instance, has in place a comprehensive legal framework, most notably the National Plastic Management Policy (2020) as well as most recently, the Environmental Protection Act, 2025 (Act 1124) [5,6,7]. The Environmental Act, 2025 (Act 1124) [8], transitioned Environmental Protection “Agency” into an “Authority”, which comes with the responsibility of expanding regulatory and fiscal powers, including reducing fragmented statutes on e-waste, hazardous waste, and the carbon markets into a single legal structure [9].

Despite these legal frameworks and decentralised mandates under Ghana’s Local Government Act (Act 936)[10], there exists a policy gap between the theoretical policy design and the operational realities [11,12]. A deep institutional maze and a continuous functional disconnect between the national strategic planning and local execution critically undermine the efficacy of these rules and regulations governing MSW management [12,13]. The new Environmental Act 2025 aims to implement significant structures; however, the Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MMDAs) have limited financial and technical resources to manage the growing quantity of MSW generated daily [14]. Currently, about 55% of MSW generated is collected in Ghana whiles the remaining is uncollected or is disposed of unsanitary [14]. This practice undermines both environmental health and national sustainability goals, which is further heightened by the exclusion of Informal Waste Pickers (IWPs), who help recycle and recover about 50% of the MSW generated in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) [15,16].

Also, the reliance on the outdated governance structures to implement 2025 mandates explains the MSW collection gap and the prevalence of indiscriminate disposal methods, such as open burning contributing to severe environmental degradation and public health risks [17,18]. Therefore, Ghana’s inability to translate legislative framework into effective local practices has resulted in a sanitation crisis marked by parallel frameworks and fragmented mandates [18]. Furthermore, Ghana has committed to ambitious climate goals under its updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 30% by 2030 [19]. Achieving these targets requires a radical shift from linear or traditional model to a circular economy model.

The main aim of this study is to evaluate existing legislative frameworks governing Ghana’s MSW management system and to identify systemic gaps and barriers to the development of a sustainable circular economy in the country. In addition, employing a convergent mixed-methods approach, the study utilised semi-structured questionnaires to evaluate and collect expert stakeholders’ perspectives, aiming to identify critical policy gaps and opportunities for improvement. The study also aims to provide a roadmap for transitioning from fragmented administrative-heavy oversight to an inclusive, evidence-based governance framework by examining the potential of the formal integration of IWPs and innovation opportunities, and by recommending data-driven modelling approaches. By doing so, this paper contributes in-depth insights into the transition toward a sustainable circular economy in Ghana.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Transition to Circular Economy

The transition from a linear (traditional) waste management to a circular economy within the MSW management sector represents a fundamental structural change [2,20]. Unlike traditional waste systems, which collect waste at the end of a product’s lifecycle and dispose of it, circularity emphasises waste minimisation at each stage of the cycle through hybrid production and consumption systems [21,22,23]. This approach replaces the end-of-life approach with a circular waste management strategy often categorised under the “10R” (Refuse, Rethink, Reduce, Reuse, Repair, Refurbish, Remanufacture, Repurpose, Recycle and Recover) framework, moving from the refusal of unnecessary materials to the recovery of energy from non-recyclable residues [22,24].

The transition to a circular economy in developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa is as much a socioeconomic imperative as an environmental one [25,26]. Current global circular economy discourse often favours capital-intensive, high-technology automation such as large-scale Waste-to-Energy (WtE) facilities, which are frequently misaligned with the local realities of developing counties like Ghana [27]. A critical financial issue is that WtE projects is often capital-intensity which usually uses almost all of waste sector climate finance, which requires stable, high-calorie waste streams and specialised technical expertise, often absent in municipal settings [28]. Conversely, organic waste management, which is more ecologically critical in Ghana (about 60% of MSW generated), receives low global investment [29,30]. Without a framework that acknowledges the decentralised nature of waste generation and the high organic fraction of MSW, high-technology options risk resulting in stranded assets and economic losses [27].

MSW management system in Ghana currently faces systemic pressure from rapid urbanisation, population growth and shifting consumption patterns [14,31]. This has led to insufficient service coverage and prevalent illegal dumping of MSW which has affected public health and the environment [14,31]. However, the transition from linear to circular systems in Ghana is fraught with systemic barriers, ranging from an “Institutional Maze” of fragmented governance to the marginalisation of the informal sector, which, paradoxically, performs the bulk of resource recovery [32]. Circular economy in Ghana requires a paradigm shift that integrates these IWPs into the formal value chain, ensuring they are recognised and socially and economically protected [32].

An important aspect of the circular economy paradigm in Ghana is diverting organic waste and plastics from landfills to help mitigate methane emissions and produce nutrient-rich soil amendments and recyclable materials [33]. Although emerging research explores thermochemical technologies such as pyrolysis and gasification for non-organic streams, current practice remains trapped in end-of-life management [34]. Most existing policies focus on the bottom of the waste hierarchy; recycle and recover, and neglect the higher-order strategies of reduce and reuse [24]. Bridging this gap requires policy-driven innovations that incentivise decentralised organic processing and resource recovery, moving the MSW management system from a linear model toward a restorative circular loop.

2.2. Evolution of Waste Legislative Frameworks in Ghana

Ghana’s environmental law has evolved over the years from the colonial- era of health ordinances that focused on urban aesthetics to a modern, technology-driven framework that prioritises ecological and economic security [35]. The 1961 Local Government Act signalled the first move toward centralised management of local sanitation duties after independence [36]. However, solid waste administration in Ghana remained unstable, reflecting broader political changes [37]. The Committees for the Defence of the Revolutions (CDRs) also implemented user fees and localised solid waste management in the early 1980s [38]. However, political mobilisation usually took importance over technical efficiency [38]. By the 1990s, influenced by neoliberal Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs), Ghana moved toward privatisation and Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in the waste sector [39], even at that the PPPs have not been able to managing MSW effectively because they lack transparency, openness and stakeholder engagements [40]. While the subsequent National Environmental Sanitation Policy (NESP) and the Strategic Action Plan (NESSAP) provided a formal framework for the waste sector, others also argued that these policies prioritised capital expansion over labour interests [41]. This led to the fragmentation of work and the informalisation of previously formal roles, compromising wages and social protections for waste workers [41].

The Environmental Protection Agency Act of 1994 (Act 490) [42] also established the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to serve as the primary regulator of environmental matters, and this marked a significant change in the regulations governing waste management, though it has not effectively addressed the environmental issues due to fragmented and uncodified laws and policies [43]. However, this framework was repealed last year, 2025 and combined into the Environmental Protection Act, 2025 (Act 1124), as modern environmental issues surpassed subsequent ones [9]. The change from an Agency to an Authority is a step toward financial independence and increased enforcement capabilities, such as the ability to file charges and the requirement that environmental professionals be certified. Significantly, Act 1124 aligns Ghana with the Paris Agreement by incorporating climate governance into the waste industry and establishing a dedicated Mitigation Fund and Ghana Carbon Registry [9]. The reality in Ghana is still a take-make-dispose linear process, notwithstanding this strong legal evolution. The system still struggles with the environmental contamination of indiscriminate dumping of MSW. The uncollected MSW gap underscores the urgent need for the circular, data-driven modelling proposed in this study.

2.3. Policy Implementation Gap

While Ghana’s waste sector is governed by a comprehensive legislative framework, such as the National Environmental Sanitation Policy and various Acts, it still faces substantial operational inefficiencies [44]. For example, there is a deep operational disconnect between the policy formulation and local implementation by assemblies [45]. Therefore, the system remains a collection of isolated mandates rather than an integrated governance network, stalling the practical implementation of circular economy principles at the local levels.

At Ghana’s national level, there exist overlaps of responsibilities and a typical example is the dual ministerial overlap: while the Ministry of Environment, Science, Technology and Innovation (MESTI) oversees the technical requirements that the Environmental Protection Authority (EPA) enforces, Ministry of Sanitation and Water Resource (MSWR) oversees sanitation policy [46]. To avoid policy fragmentation, this dualism requires high-level cooperation. However, this fragmentation is more evident at the implementation gap between national strategies and local execution [47,48,49]. While national entities provide the legislative frameworks, the management of public health and infrastructure is the duty of the MMDAs [50]. However, these local assemblies (MMDAs) are islands of responsibility without the necessary resources. They usually face severe financial and technological challenges, which make the mandates impossible to implement. Currently, strategic directives do not align with the operational realities of the local assemblies. Therefore, to develop a functional circular economy, the national level strategic directives must align with the operational realities of local health and planning entities, including the district environmental health units and municipal planning coordination units [51].

Additionally, regarding the policies, Acts and interventions governing MSW management in Ghana, there are a notable number of technical and plastic-related regulations in 2020 (e.g., 2020 National Solid Waste Strategy for Ghana and National Plastic Management Policy), indicating a recent and rapid shift in Ghana’s national strategy toward specialised waste management. Comparing these new resource recovery policies with the fundamental institutional policies, such as the Environmental Sanitation Policy (2010) [52], which is now more than ten years old, reveals a systemic conflict. This regulatory delay reveals that, although the waste industry’s technical goals have recently evolved to include plastic lifecycles and resource recovery, the actual institutional frameworks remain connected to outdated governance policies.

Also, the exclusion of IWPs into the formal waste system in Ghana is another critical policy gap. Despite their operational efficiency; playing a major role in recycling, resource recovery and MSW collection, particularly in areas inaccessible to formal waste services. IWPs are important contributors to the economy; they generate revenue from recovered materials and play significant role in the diversion of MSW from landfill [15]. IWPs in Ghana collect about 46% of MSW which is equivalent to about 1,370 tonnes daily and increased recycling from 5% to 18% in two years [15,16]. These IWPs lack formal recognition and legal protection; IWPs often work under unfavourable conditions and face severe health and safety risks due to the lack of protective gear and poor working conditions [15]. Also, they lack protection against harassment, stigmatisation and physical abuse. While the national strategy aims to facilitate a socially inclusive transition, a policy gap remains between policy objectives and the formal recognition of IWPs [53]. They still face massive hurdles in gaining a seat at the policy table.

Conversely, some developing countries, such as Brazil and Argentina, have successfully transitioned from linear solid waste management systems to inclusive circularity by legally recognising IWPs’ activities and establishing state-supported cooperatives that provide IWPs with social security, equipment, and dedicated sorting facilities [54,55,56]. For instance, in Colombia, legal mandates have redefined IWPs as vulnerable entrepreneurs, allowing them to be paid municipal service fees per ton of material recovered, much like private contractors [55,57]. Similarly, India’s Solid Waste Collection and Handling (SWaCH) strategy in Pune emphasises the power of public-private-IWPs partnerships, where IWPs are paid directly by residents to ensure source segregation [58,59]. These examples provide excellent case studies for Ghana. Therefore, demonstrating that social inclusion, removing intermediaries, and providing institutional backing for the IWPs can significantly increase recycling and resource recovery rates, reduce landfill costs, and provide marginalised workers with dignity and stable livelihoods.

Innovation in the waste sector is a major gap because, it goes beyond adopting technology options to include fiscal and social transformations [60]. In many SSA cities, the missing link between policy formulation and actual implementation is the lack of accurate, disaggregated waste data [61]. Fiscal innovations such as the Polluter-Pays Principle (PPP) and Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) are more critical for long-term sustainability [62]. EPR shifts the burden of MSW management from the local governments to the producers of the product, incentivising more sustainable design [62].

Kenya is a typical example of a country that has made significant strides in implementing EPR for plastics and e-waste, though it faces some challenges in the effective management and policy implementation [63]. Also, an example of a significant fiscal experiment in Ghana is the 2021 Sanitation and Pollution Levy (SPL), which levies a 10 Ghana pesewa tax per litre of gasoline and diesel [64]. Using this sanitation charge, the government hoped to earn money for fumigation, urban air quality improvement, and landfill re-engineering. However, inadequate institutional capacity and the misappropriation of funds for other reasons frequently impede the execution of such charges [65].

The scarcity of MSW data in Africa, including Ghana, is a major hindrance to efficient governance on MSW management [14,66]. Without data on waste generation and intensity, it is impossible to optimise collection routes or plan infrastructure correctly. In the GAMA, around 30-40% of waste is still disposed of in non-sanitary ways, partly because the government has limited instruments to control waste flows and monitor service provider performance [67]. Data-driven modelling, such as the use of remote sensing and Geographic Information System (GIS) for spatio-temporal waste prediction, has shown significant potential [68]. For example, studies using remotely sensed Land-Use/Land-Cover (LULC) data have achieved over 90% accuracy in mapping waste hotspots in tropical contexts [69]. Integrating such data with collaborative governance frameworks that bring public, private, and civic actors together to share information can lead to more cost-effective projects.

To address the long-standing delays in the prosecution of environmental violation cases, the Chief Justice of Ghana, together with the Environmental Protection Authority and the Ministry of Sanitation and Water Resources, designated specialised Environmental Courts in Accra, Kumasi, and Sekondi-Takoradi between late 2025 and early 2026 [70]. These courts are mandated to handle high-volume violations and offences, including illegal mining, improper industrial waste management and municipal sanitation violations [70]. By separating environmental violation cases from the general court’s backlog of criminal and civil cases, this reform of environmental courts creates an efficient legal process that reduces the time between violation and judgment. Thus, addressing the enforcement deficit previously identified by MMDAs.

Addressing the complex challenges of managing MSW in Ghana requires a shift from top-down policymaking to a more collaborative governance between private and government stakeholders. By aligning the modelling approach, such as optimising models with inclusive policies, Ghana can move toward a resilient waste management system that meets its NDC commitments while ensuring no citizen or worker is left behind. Therefore, bridging this gap allows for more precise resource allocation and performance monitoring.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Research Design

The aim is to provide a road map for an inclusive, evident based governance framework, while the objectives is to identify systemic gaps in the legislative framework governing MSW management and evaluate the socio-economic potential for IWPs integration and innovation opportunities in Ghana.

The study employed a convergent mixed-method approach, that utilised a semi-structured questionnaire administered through a hybrid approach of self-administration and researcher assisted sessions. The questionnaire was developed in Microsoft Office and programmed to grant participants access only after consent has been signed. The failure to provide consent resulted in automatic system exit from the questionnaire. These questionnaires contained both closed-ended for quantitative descriptive analysis and open-ended sections for qualitative thematic analysis. The researcher assisted sessions allowed for real-time clarifications of complex policy dimensions with expert stakeholders, while the self-administered approach provided others the flexibility to provide detailed written insights. This method ensured a robust dataset from the 13 purposively selected experts including regulatory bodies, national ministries, private waste companies, academic or research institutions enabling a deep evaluation of MSW management governance framework.

Based on the research aims and objectives and thematic focus, the study seeks to investigate and answer the following research questions:

• To what extent have existing legislative frameworks on MSW management in Ghana been effective in implementing their strategies in achieving a sustainable waste management system?
• What are the policy gaps and challenges impeding the effectiveness of policies and regulations governing solid waste management in Ghana?
• What are the socio-economic barriers and policy gaps hindering the formal recognition and integration of IWPs into the formal waste systems?
• How can policy-driven innovations, such as financial drivers and behavioural change strategies, be leveraged to enhance resource recovery and system sustainability in Ghana?

3.2. Sampling and Ethical Considerations

The study aimed at a specific population of stakeholders within Ghana’s MSW management system. Therefore, purposive sampling was used to select these 13 stakeholders based on their high levels of expertise, years of professional experience, and significant roles they play in the waste management sector. The cohort included representatives from national ministries (MESTI, MSWR), regulatory bodies (EPA), Local Government (MMDAs), law enforcement, private waste companies, and academia/ research institutions with many years of working experience in the waste sector. Table 1 gives the profile of all participants.

The participants (stakeholders) were recruited through purposive sampling via introductory email and preliminary discussions with the management of the respective organisations regarding MSW management (data and policies). The study underwent the University of Surrey’s Self-Assessment Governance and Ethics (SAGE) process. Because the fieldwork was conducted outside the United Kingdom, full Ethics and Governance approval was obtained before proceeding with data collection in Ghana. Also, all participants were provided with the participant information sheet and signed consent form, indicating that they voluntarily participated, and that measures were taken to ensure data anonymity. To meet institutional governance requirements, the data management plan and the risk assessment for data collection were closely adhered to. Also, to ensure voluntary participation and data confidentiality, individuals were also given a two-week opportunity after submission to remove their data if they so desired.

3.3. Data Collection and Analysis

Data were collected using a semi-structured questionnaire. The questionnaire comprised 30 questions. To ensure a convergent mixed-methods approach, both closed-ended questions for quantitative descriptive analysis and open-ended questions for qualitative depth analysis were used to explore stakeholder perspective on policies governing MSW management in Ghana. The questionnaire is structured into seven sections, which are further mapped into three themes with sub-topics as follows:

• Theme 1: Policy Framework and Implementation (policies and Acts)

(Classification of interventions, institutional roles, enforcement efficiency and policy gaps and challenges).

• Theme 2: Socio-Economic Inclusion and Informal Waste Pickers Integration

(Policy recognition of IWPs, integration challenges, opportunities from integration and formalisation incentives).

• Theme 3: Policy-Driven Innovation Opportunities in Solid Waste Management

(Mandates for reform, behavioural strategies, financial/economic drivers and technology or innovation options).

The quantitative data derived from the closed-ended questions were analysed using descriptive statistics. The collected quantitative data were analysed to determine frequencies, percentages, and mean scores, which helped to identify the trends in stakeholder perceptions regarding policy implementation and effectiveness, infrastructure adequacy, and financial sustainability. The statistical results provide a high-level map of the challenges within the AMA area, serving as the baseline for deeper qualitative research. To gain a better and deeper understanding of the complexities of rules and regulations governing MSW management in Ghana, qualitative data were derived from open-ended questions and subjected to thematic analysis. The analysis was used to identify, develop, and analyse themes (patterns) within the collected data.

The analysis followed a hybrid inductive-deductive coding process:

• Deductive coding was guided by existing national frameworks, such as the National Environmental Sanitation Policy and Ghana’s Updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).
• Inductive coding allowed for the emergence of grounded themes directly from the stakeholders’ practical experiences, such as specific enforcement hurdles and the nuances of informal waste picker integration.

The final stage of analysis involved data integration and methodological triangulation, in which quantitative statistical results were merged with qualitative themes. This integration was essential for explaining the reasons behind the statistical trends; for instance, using qualitative expert perceptions to explain why certain policy interventions were rated ineffective in the quantitative section. By cross-referencing these findings with the analysis of primary policy documents, the study ensured a robust and validated narrative of the MSW management landscape in Accra.

4. Results and Discussions

4.1. Theme 1: Policy Framework and Implementation

Respondents mostly describe the institutional system governing MSW in Ghana as an institutional maze characterised by disjointed law enforcement, financial constraints, and a total absence of formal monitoring systems. This complexity stems from the accumulation of legislative acts and policies that are robust in their theoretical formulation but lack implementation.

Two respondents (GOV1 and GOV2) from the government sector, 3 respondents from academia or research institution (ACA1, ACA2 and ACA3) and 3 respondents from private sector (PT1, PT2 and PT3) stated that even with the new EPA Act 2025, which provides a better roadmap for MSW management system in Ghana, the enforcement at the MMDAs level is lacking due to financial and technical issues. Also, some respondents (PT1, PT2, PT3, PT4, PT5, ACA2, ACA3, and NGO2) believed that the complexity stems from the accumulation of legislative acts and policies that are robust in their theoretical formulation but lack implementation due to a lack of fiscal mechanisms, especially for capital leverage in the private sector. These institutions operate in a disjointed law-enforcement environment where there are no incentives to innovate or invest. Therefore, the disconnect between national policy and local execution is the most significant barrier to an effective solid waste management system.

4.1.1. Classification of MSW Policies, Acts and Interventions

Based on the themes identified in the thematic analysis, the legislative framework and policies governing solid waste management in Ghana are categorised into three primary functional areas:

• Technical Interventions

These policies and acts focus on infrastructure development, the construction of treatment facilities, and the operational management of specific waste streams to facilitate resource recovery and safe disposal.

• 2020 National Solid Waste Strategy for Ghana: Provides the roadmap for technical infrastructure and strategic waste management [71].
• National Plastic Management Policy: Targets the technical lifecycle and management of plastic waste [72].
• Plastic Waste Management Plan: Outlines the operational and technical steps for handling plastic materials [73].
• Health Care Waste Management Policy and Guidelines: Provides technical protocols for the specialised handling and treatment of medical waste [74].
• Public Health Act, 2012 (Act 851): establishes crucial regulatory standards for public health in relation to waste management [75].

2.

Monitoring and Data Interventions

These interventions focus on implementing of systems to track waste generation, map refuse points, and manage data to improve collection efficiency and policy evaluation.

• Environmental Protection Act (2025) (Act 1124): Modernises the regulatory framework to include updated standards and likely monitoring requirements [8].
• Environmental Protection Agency Act 1994 (Act 490) (Repealed): Formerly established the primary regulatory and monitoring body for environmental standards [42].
• Environment Assessment Regulations (LI 1652): Mandates the evaluation and monitoring of environmental impacts for waste projects [76].
• National Sanitation Action Plan: Includes actionable frameworks for tracking sanitation progress and system implementation [52].
• Nature-Based and Institutional Frameworks

While specifically defined as ecosystem restoration and greening in the thematic analysis, these acts provide the necessary legal and institutional framework to support such sustainable urban solutions and decentralised governance.

• Environmental Sanitation Policy (ESP) 2010 (Revised): The foundational policy that integrates environmental health with sustainable management practices [77].
• Local Government Act (Act 936): Establishes the decentralised framework allowing MMDAs to manage local environmental resources and infrastructure [10].

4.1.2. Institutional Implementation

The governance of waste management in Ghana involves a complex system of enforcement distributed among various institutions at both the national and local levels.

• Implementation and service delivery

At the local level, the MMDAs have been granted the operational authority to tackle environmental sanitation issues under the Local Governance Act, 2016 (Act 936) [10,78]. Each assembly must establish a Waste Management Department responsible for implementing sustainable waste management practices (such as MSW collection and disposal and the implementation of source separation programs), supervising private sector involvement through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), and enforcing local sanitation bye-laws [10]. Notably, public consultations are required before permitting waste-related infrastructure, ensuring community engagement. Units such as the Environmental Health and Sanitation Units (EHSUs) operate as the enforcement arms of the MMDAs, tasked with preventing diseases and mitigating environmental hazards [10]. They are usually responsible for activities such as inspections, hygiene management, and issuing abatement notices to property owners.

2.

National Policy Formulation and Sector Coordination

The national ministries play a critical role in developing and establishing national strategies and legislative frameworks, and coordinating both local and international partnerships. The Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development (MLGRD) oversees the sanitation infrastructure necessary for waste management and coordinates policies between local authorities and health entities [10]. Also, the Ministry of Environment, Science, Technology and Innovations (MESTI) is responsible for policy development for sustainable environmental management and e-waste. Furthermore, the Ministry of Water Resources and Sanitation oversees the National Environmental Sanitation Policy and infrastructure development. The Ministry of Local Government, Chieftaincy and Religious Affairs is also responsible for policy preparation and the conduction of extensive consultation within the decentralisation framework [52].

3.

Regulatory Compliance and Law Enforcement

These regulatory institutions play important roles in ensuring that both the public and private waste sectors, as well as citizens, adhere to laws and regulations governing the environment. The primary regulatory is the EPA reformed under the Environmental Protection Act, 2025 (Act 1124) [8]. The new Environmental Protection Authority supersedes the previous Environmental Protection Agency, which assumes broader powers and fiscal autonomy to regulate all environmental matters. The new authority’s core responsibilities include issuing environmental permits for unsafe waste handling, prosecuting environmental violations, setting waste management standards, and integrating climate responses into national planning [8]. Also, they are responsible for conducting environmental impact assessments and monitoring the domestic e-waste management system. Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) are also essential for enforcing compliance in environmental governance. CSOs use legal avenues, such as Article 2(1) of the Constitution and common law actions, to hold state agencies accountable for sanitation failures [79].

4.1.3. System Effectiveness and Enforcement

This study assesses respondents’ opinions regarding objectives, implementation, and enforcement of Ghana’s MSW management policies and Acts. The shift from theoretical policy design to implementation and enforcement, the research shows a decline in perceived clarity.

Among the respondents, majority (64.3%) find the policy objectives as either “Clear” (42.9%) or “Very Clear” (21.4%), 28.6% of them remain neutral, and 7.1% find the objectives unclear. However, this confidence drops to 50% regarding the implementation of these policies. About half of the respondents (50%) stated that the policies are “clearly” or “very clearly” implemented, while 42% remained neutral about the implementation of the policies and acts. Additionally, 7.1% also believed the implementation was unclear. This aligns with the identified functional disconnect where national strategic visions are not effectively translated into local action by MMDAs.

Regarding the enforcement of policies and acts, 28.5% of respondents believed that the policies are “clearly” or “very clearly” enforced, while 28.6% remained neutral. In contrast, 42.9% also believed that the policies and acts are not clearly enforced. More so, stakeholder perceptions of institutional effectiveness are evenly divided. Exactly half of the respondents (50%) described the institutional performance as moderate, while the remaining half (50%) rated it as “poor”. None of the respondents believed the institutions to be functioning “very well,” nor were any participants “unsure” of their assessment, indicating a definitive but polarised consensus on institutional limitations. The respondents also noted that while agencies like the EPA and MMDAs have the mandates to enforce these policies and acts, weak enforcement and a lack of monitoring systems (reported as non-existent by 10 out of 13 respondents) hinder overall performance.

4.1.4. Policy Gaps and Challenges

The analysis of Ghana’s solid waste management sector by the respondents reveals a profound implementation gap in which legislative intent fails to translate into local outcomes. Thus, focusing on the inability to translate policies into sustainable and effective practices despite the introduction of the National Environmental Policy a long time ago. Some of the respondents (7) stated that one of the challenges impeding the effectiveness of policies in solid waste management is poor coordination. A typical example is the governance challenge posed by the existence of parallel frameworks, where various types of waste, including pesticide management, hazardous waste, and e-waste, are regulated under separate statutes. This segmentation has resulted in increased administrative costs and diminished environmental service quality. The previous EPA Act 490 placed the onus for environmental assessments largely in the discretion of the EPA, which lacked formalised standards for practitioners [42].

Also, 12 respondents stated that the decentralised management by MMDAs often lacked the necessary technical and fiscal resources to adequately address complex waste management issues, contributing to illegal dumping and substandard disposal sites. Furthermore, 8 respondents believed the waste management system is crippled by a functional disconnect caused by the absence of formal monitoring systems and localised information, which hinders the effective evaluation or innovation of existing policies and Acts. However, 6 of the respondents stated that political interference is a challenge in managing waste.

Regarding policy gaps, 11 respondents believed that weak enforcement of the laws and regulations and low public awareness are major gaps in the effective waste management system. The significant failure to integrate informal waste pickers (9 respondents) and weak support for the private waste sectors or companies (8 respondents) are also pressing gaps that need to be evaluated. Lastly, another significant gap identified was the lack of integration of environmentally sustainable development goals (4 respondents), as well as the absence of mandates, such as the enforcement of recyclable targets (9 respondents) and clear guidelines for source separation of solid waste (8 respondents).

4.2. Theme 2: Socio-Economic Inclusion and Informal Waste Pickers Integration

4.2.1. Policy Recognition of Informal Waste Pickers (IWPs)

Informal Waste Pickers (IWPs) are individuals or small enterprises that constitute capital driving resource recovery and recycling activities in the MSW management value chain [14]. IWPs represent a “shadow workforce” that provides essential services including house-to-house collection in high-density areas and slums where formal services are physically unable to operate sorting MSW, reclaiming high-value materials at dumpsites, selling them to recycling markets as a source of income for their livelihoods, and diverting MSW from landfills [14]. The IWPs, play critical role by collecting almost 50% of waste collection in Accra [16]. However, these IWPs often work under unfavourable conditions and lack social or economic protection.

These IWPs face an array of regulatory, financial, and operational barriers that currently marginalise the informal sector:

• Institutional and Regulatory Barriers: There is a critical lack of formal recognition for the roles and activities of IWPs. This is compounded by a lack of underlying regulations and complete data regarding their activities.
• Resource and Technical Constraints: The sector suffers from financial constraints, inadequate technical expertise, and a significant lack of appropriate equipment and infrastructure.
• Economic and Health Risks: IWPs face severe health and safety risks due to poor working conditions and a lack of protective gear. Economically, they struggle with a lack of steady income, potential tax evasion issues, and direct competition with the formal waste sector.

When the stakeholders were asked if the IWPs are integrated into the formal system, majority of the respondents were of the view that they are partially integrated while 6 respondents said they are not integrated into the formal waste system. Also, when asked if existing policies addresses the role and rights of the IWPs, all respondents said No, and that no policy or Acts cover the IWPs.

4.2.2. Challenges to IWPs Integration

Integrating IWPs into a formal system in Ghana is not just a technical change; it is a complex social and institutional challenge. The respondents identified complex barriers that hinder the inclusion of IWPS into the formal waste system. These include

• Lack of Legal Status: Most IWPs are not legally registered entities, making it difficult for them to sign contracts with Municipal Assemblies. Therefore, large private waste companies and government institutions often resist IWP integration because they view them as unfair competition that doesn’t pay taxes or overhead.
• Restrictive Procurement: Formal waste management contracts often favor large, capital-intensive private companies, effectively locking out small-scale IWP cooperatives from the bidding process.
• Social stigmatization: City officials and residents often view IWPs as public nuisance or even as criminals leading to harassment. Also, the work is viewed as a desperate survival strategy rather than an essential environmental service, which discourages formal partnerships and public respect.
• Financial constraints: IWPs often sell to middlemen at low prices because they lack the storage space or transport to reach high-value buyers directly. Integrating them requires providing pensions, health insurance, and medical facilities which adds significant costs to municipal budgets
• Technical and Operational issues: The IWPs are agile but lacks the “formal” standards required for city-wide integration. With no protective gear (PPE), IWPs face daily exposure to pathogens and toxic materials. Formalizing them means the city must take liability for their safety. IWPs use tricycles and carts to reach narrow, low-income areas. Integrating these “low-tech” vehicles into a “high-tech” vision remains a design challenge.
• Lack of Monitoring: There is a total lack of official data on the number of pickers, the volume of waste they divert, and their exact collection routes.

4.2.3. Opportunities from the Formalisation of IWPs

Based on the thematic analysis and respondents’ feedback, the formalisation of IWPs presents significant strategic opportunities to transform Ghana’s solid waste management system from a linear disposal model into a sustainable circular economy.

• Enhancement of the Waste Management Value Chain

Formalising IWPs provides a logistical solution for waste collection in high-density areas and slums that are physically inaccessible to formal private waste companies and government agencies. Their integration is expected to enhance general waste collection services and the overall value chain by bridging the gap between households and formal treatment facilities. Strategic integration also serves as a logistical necessity for city-wide waste disposal, moving the system toward more effective urban sanitation in places like Accra, an economic hub in Ghana.

2.

Maximisation of Resource Recovery

IWPs play a significant role in the 3R (Reduce, Reuse, Recycle) initiatives; their formal recognition allows for the systematic sorting and recovery of materials that would otherwise end up in unsanitary landfills [15,16]. Integration creates opportunities to supply local industries with recovered raw materials, strengthening the domestic circular value chain and conserving the natural resources.

3.

Socio-Economic Empowerment and Livelihood Improvement

Formalisation of the IWPs is a socio-economic imperative that directly improves the income and standard of living for these workers. Also, moving IWPs from the invisible shadow workforce to a recognised sector grants them the social standing and institutional support necessary for inclusive growth. Inclusion of IWPs into the formal system provides a framework to address hazardous working conditions through the provision of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) and technical training.

4.

Strategic Policy and Innovation Drivers

Integrating IWPs allows for the collection of disaggregated data on waste generation and recycling rates, which is currently absent and hinders effective city planning. Furthermore, formal systems enable the implementation of incentives, such as providing IWPs with tricycles and logistical support, to further encourage their role in the resource recovery process.

4.2.4. Facilitation and Incentives

Based on the respondents’ feedback from the thematic analysis, the following policies and measures are identified as significant for facilitating an effective integration and incentivisation of IWPs into Ghana’s formal waste management system. Majority of the respondents emphasised the following

• Legislative and Regulatory Facilitation

A basic step for integration is establishing a formal framework that acknowledges and protects the informal sector. Respondents highlighted that an official registration is the most important measure to transition IWPs. They also stated that revising the existing laws to include the IWPs was extremely important to ensure legal support for their inclusion. To add to the above, addressing the current lack of regulation is essential to mitigate health and safety risks and reduce competition with the formal sector.

2.

Technical and Logistical Support

Providing the physical tools and infrastructure necessary for professional service delivery is a key recommendation from the thematic analysis. That is, the provision of tricycles is specifically proposed to improve collection efficiency, particularly in slums and high-density areas. The provision of PPE is identified as a socio-economic imperative to address the severe health and safety risks inherent in current working conditions. Also, establishing specific collection and storage hub for IWPs to deposit or sort recovered materials would streamline their integration into the formal resource recovery process.

3.

Financial and Economic Incentives

The respondents highlighted that integration must be supported by financial drivers to be sustainable. Twelve out of 13 respondents identified direct financial support as a primary tool for encouraging effective integration. They also recommend providing incentives such as reduced monthly waste collection costs for households or individuals who sort their waste (source separation), which facilitates the work of IWPs. In addition, providing financial support for small-scale waste ventures helps IWPs transition into more formal, business-like entities.

4.

Capacity Building and Inclusion

Empowering IWPs with knowledge is crucial for long-term system effectiveness. Technical training and safety education are vital to improve the expertise of the informal sector. Community-based education on source separation and recycling is needed to support IWP activities at the household level.

4.3. Theme 3: Policy Driven Innovation Opportunities in Solid Waste Management

4.3.1. Mandate for Policy Reform

The data and analysis reveal an overwhelming consensus on the necessity of legislative and regulatory reform, with 100% of respondents (stakeholders) affirming that policy revision is indeed a priority. Specifically, 9 respondents categorised the revision of the policies as extremely important, while the remaining 4 respondents viewed it as somewhat important. This unified stance suggests that the current frameworks are no longer servicing its purpose. The mandate for reform is focused on transitioning from a purely punitive (enforcement based) approach to a hybrid incentive-based approach. The respondents identified three critical areas for immediate policy reform:

• Regulatory Enforcement: Strengthening the enforcement of household disposal regulations to reduce illegal dumping and burning.
• Financial Incentives: Instead of awarding just penalties the system should offer rewards such as tax breaks or subsidies for companies and industries investing in waste technology and reduced collection fees for households that practice source segregation.
• Value Chain Support: Policies must explicitly support local industries and integrate the informal waste pickers into the waste management value chain to ensure that collected waste has a viable economic destination, thereby promoting circular economy.

4.3.2. Behavioural Change Strategies

A distinct and critical finding from the stakeholder data reveal that policy alone cannot solve the waste management issues in Ghana without a parallel focus on the citizen contribution. Respondents emphasised that behavioural change is a prerequisite for any technical or regulatory success. That simply means if the people do not change their attitude and behaviour towards waste management practices reforming the policies is of no importance. Therefore, this social mandate is built on two important pillars:

• Institutionalised Sensitisation: Rather than ad-hoc awareness drives, stakeholders advocate for integrating environmental education into school curricula. By targeting the youth, the policy aims to create a long-term cultural shift in how waste is perceived and managed.
• Community-Based Campaigns: To address the nonchalant behaviour (public perception about solid waste management) identified in the problem statement, there is a call for localised, grassroots education. That is through awareness and campaigns using local languages such as anti-littering songs and skits as well as community-led conservation efforts. This approach ensures that regulations regarding waste sorting and disposal are not just understood, but culturally accepted and practiced at the household level.

4.3.3. Financial and Economic Drivers

The transition to a sustainable waste management system in Ghana depends on moving away from inconsistent government funding toward a more reliable, market-driven financial approach respondents identified the following financial and economic levers to achieve this includes

• Fiscal Incentives and Market Support

Respondents strongly support the transition toward an incentive-based approach designed to drive active participation from both households and the private sector. At the household level, the introduction of financial rewards, such as reduced monthly waste collection fees for individuals or households that consistently practice source segregation into recyclable and non-recyclable categories. For the business community, there is a clear mandate to provide robust support for firms or local industries that invest in modern waste management technology and infrastructure. This economic support includes the use of government-backed tax incentives and subsidies as a strategic tool to improve the waste sector’s performance. These policies are intended to protect and strengthen local industries across the entire waste value chain, ensuring long-term economic sustainability and growth. The stakeholders also stated that shifting of responsibility ensures that those who generate MSW whether individuals or large corporations bear the financial cost of its management. By making waste generation an expense rather than free service, the policy creates a direct economic reason for people to reduce waste and increase recycling.

2.

Funding and Investment Drivers

The stakeholder data highlights the significant need for structured financial support to overcome existing barriers in the waste management sector. They identify direct funding as an important local policy area essential for significantly improving management outcomes. There is also a specific call to provide financial support for small businesses to foster innovation and enhance service delivery. Furthermore, the respondents emphasise that sustainable progress requires increased investment in modern infrastructure, such as the acquisition of advanced waste vehicles and the implementation of appropriate technologies such as waste-to-energy systems. By creating a stable and profitable environment, the government can attract private investors to fund the high costs of technology and equipment.

3.

Sanitation Levies

The respondents acknowledged that while the SPL has been in place since 2021 taxing us 10 Ghana pesewas per litre of fuel, there is deep doubt regarding its impact. They pointed out that despite Parliament’s 2025 proposal to increase this levy to 50 Ghana pesewas, and the addition of 10% surcharges on property rates by local some assemblies, the waste crisis persists. The consensus among participants was a demand for greater transparency; they questioned where these billions of Cedis are going, as many district assemblies remain underfunded and lack direct access to these collections. However, they also noted the strategic potential of these funds: because they are legally earmarked for waste infrastructure, proper management could finally protect the sanitation budget from being diverted to other sectors and provide the stable income needed to solve the waste issues for good.

4.3.4. Technology or Innovation Options: Barriers and Incentives for Innovations

• Innovation or Technology Options

The data reveals a strong preference for circular economy-oriented technologies over traditional disposal methods. Source separation emerged as the primary technological priority (13 respondents), followed closely by recycling (12 respondents) and composting/organic waste conversion (11 respondents). While disposal-centric options like engineered landfills and waste-to-energy (biogas/incineration) (8 respondents each) remain relevant, the emphasis on recovery suggests a strategic shift toward resource value extraction. Conversely, advanced digital tracking and upcycling (2 respondents each) currently occupy a lower tier of adoption interest, indicating that the sector is prioritizing foundational recovery infrastructure before transitioning to high-tech optimization.

2.

Barriers or Challenges

The adoption of innovative solutions in Ghana’s waste sector is greatly impacted by systemic and financial constraints. Also, high operating costs and limited investment interest were cited by the majority of respondents (11) as the main obstacles to adoption, reflecting Ghana’s waste industry’s increased perception of risk. These financial barriers are exacerbated by a low public awareness (11 respondents) regarding waste segregation (9 respondents) and an uncertain environmental policy framework (7 respondents). This creates an unstable environment for long-term capital investment. Additionally, limited technical expertise and political interference are also issues (5 respondents each), preventing the transition from theoretical innovation to scalable, permanent infrastructure.

3.

Incentives and Strategic Drivers

There is a profound deficit in institutional support, with the majority of respondents (7) indicating that no significant incentives exist, 5 respondents saying to some extent and 1 respondent stating that to a great extent, there are incentives to encourage sustainable solutions. To bridge this gap, the analysis identifies these critical strategic drivers. One, to provide targeted financial aid for small to medium-sized businesses to help reduce operational costs and identify the Polluter-Pays Principle and Sanitation Levies as essential for leveraging the private capital needed for high-cost innovations like Biogas or Plastic-to-Fuel.

Also, the formalisation of IWPs into the MSW value chain and the implementation of capacity building programs for these workers, as seen in successful waste management programs in South Africa and Brazil. Aligning system optimisation models with strong educational programs and campaigns specifically in native languages and songs on source separation to ensure the waste sent to new technologies (e.g., WtE facilities) are viable and consistent. Another strategic driver is ensuring the disposal sites are engineered landfills with all necessary measures in place, especially to reduce the GHG emissions from the landfill and prolong its lifespan.

5. Conclusions

Ghana’s MSW management system’s shift from a linear approach to a circular economy is a developmental need for accomplishing SDGs 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) and 12 (Responsible Consumption). While Ghana possesses a comprehensive legislative framework for governing the MSW management system, even with the recently revised Environmental Protection Act, 2025 (Act 1124), and the transition of the Environmental Protection “Agency” to an “Authority” as an empowered authority that can enforce standards and unify fragment legal frameworks, the study identifies a hugely challenging institutional maze within the waste sector. This is characterised by a functional disconnect between the national strategic planning and local operational execution by MMDAs, which often lack formal monitoring systems and is constrained by continuous financial constraints.

Another serious issue affecting the circularity in Ghana is the continued marginalisation of IWPs. Despite recovering nearly 50% of Accra’s MSW through collection and about 18% in recycling [16], these workers remain a shadow workforce lacking legal recognition, social protection, and technical support. This shows that the systemic exclusion of the IWPs, coupled with reliance on outdated legal frameworks to implement current technical mandates, explains the persistent 30% waste collection gap. However, countries such as Brazil, Columbia, and India have proven that removing intermediaries and granting IWPs legal status as small-scale entrepreneurs significantly increases recycling rates while providing dignity and social protection. Recognising IWPs as integral part of formal waste system is the only viable logistical solution for the “last-mile” collection in high-density urban areas.

This study advocates for a shift toward innovation and data-driven governance to bridge the gap between local implementation and policy formulation. This will benefit from a shift from top-down policymaking to collaborative governance between private and government stakeholders. Also beneficial would be regionalisation and intermunicipal cooperation such as the establishment of Joint Development boards to allow small, rural districts to leverage the benefits of larger waste treatment facilities. This involves a face-to-face dialogue, trust-building, and shared understanding between stakeholders. By engaging multiple stakeholders within the waste sector (community leaders, private waste companies and IWPs), Ghana can overcome the challenges posed by single agency approaches and deliver more resilient infrastructure.

It will also be necessary to ensure that national funding and resources flow directly to the local assemblies tasked with executing these mandates. A hybrid incentive-based approach that encourages source segregation and offers tax-based support for local recycling businesses would serve to replace punitive enforcement in policy reforms. Furthermore, the adoption of a national “zero waste’’ approach, by integrating inclusive social policies with fiscal reforms, such as the EPR scheme (requires manufacturers to manage their product throughout their lifecycle), PPP and SPL, would provide valuable support for compliance with environmental standards. With the establishment of new environmental courts in Ghana, which are responsible for handling cases related to illegal mining, improper industrial waste management and municipal sanitation violations, clear potential exists to reduce the time between a violation and judgment. However, the success of these courts depends on the local MMDAs and their task forces, and whether they are technically equipped to gather the necessary evidence required for a successful prosecution. Therefore, this can transform current MSW management challenges into opportunities to help achieve sustainable cities and communities (SDG 11) and economic resilience for Ghana.

Finally, the study recommends that transitioning MSW management in Ghana toward a sustainable circular economy is not only about legal frameworks; it also requires modelling approaches that shift from linear, static, cost-efficiency-based models towards socio-economic models. Modelling approaches, such as dynamic optimisation models and Multi-Criteria and Decision-Making approaches, help balance financial costs with social equity and environmentally-friendly targets, specifically by identifying optimal locations using GIS. This data-driven modelling approach moves MSW management from a top-down, somewhat ‘best intention guesswork’ approach to a precise, inclusive circular economy that creates jobs (IWPs) while increasing recycling rates, prolonging the lifespan of disposal sites, and keeping the environment clean. The future of urban Ghana depends on the successful implementation of a cohesive, technologically advanced, MSW management system that aligns with circular economy principles.