Discussion
Following Australia’s introduction of a nationwide ban on social media access for individuals under 16 years of age in December 2025, several countries have adopted legislative measures requiring age verification for social media platforms in an effort to mitigate online harms. For instance, European countries are actively considering similar restrictions, as the European Commission has signaled its intention to facilitate a coordinated, bloc-wide approach through the recent finalization of a standardized age-verification application [
29]. In this context, understanding public opinion toward social media ban for children is essential, as societal attitudes play a critical role in determining the acceptability, legitimacy, and effectiveness of regulatory interventions such as social media ban. Greece constitutes a particularly relevant context for such investigation since on 8 April 2026, the Greek government announced a forthcoming regulatory measure under which children under 15 years of age will be restricted from accessing social media platforms, with implementation scheduled for 1 January 2027. Considering that the literature on this research field is scarce, we performed a study to explore public opinion regarding a ban on social media use for children and to identify the factors influencing individuals’ opinion toward this policy measure.
A key finding of this study is that an overwhelming majority of participants (94.5%) perceived problematic social media use among children as an important public health concern. This high level of consensus suggests that concerns related to children’s engagement with social media are not limited to individual or family contexts but are increasingly understood as a collective issue warranting population-level attention. Public recognition of problematic social media use as a public health problem is a critical precondition for the acceptance and effectiveness of regulatory and preventive interventions. In this context, our findings align with a growing body of literature highlighting the potential negative consequences of excessive or problematic social media use on children’s mental health, wellbeing, and development [
2,
3,
4,
6,
7,
8,
10]. The widespread perception of risk identified in our sample may partly explain the increasing societal openness toward age-based restrictions and regulatory measures observed internationally. The near-universal acknowledgment of the issue in this study therefore underscores the relevance of examining not only the effectiveness but also the social acceptability of policies such as social media bans for children.
In addition, nearly seven in ten participants (69.2%) expressed agreement with the implementation of a social media ban for all children, indicating substantial public support for this restrictive policy response. To the best of our knowledge, there are no studies that examine the public opinion toward social media ban for children. However, there are three polls including adults that confirm our findings [
30,
31,
32]. In particular, 70% of adults in six European countries (i.e., United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Poland) support social media ban for children under the age of 16 [
30]. There is a significant variation between countries since support for a ban at 16 is very low (53%) in Poland compared to Spain (68%), Italy (70%), Germany (74%), United Kingdom (76%), and France (79%). A similar poll including adults only in United Kingdom found that 78% support social media ban for children under the age of 16 [
31]. Findings from another poll in US and Australia found that 58% of US parents of children aged 10-17, and 65% of Australian parents are in support [
32]. In our sample, a slightly higher percentage of parents (71.4%) supported the ban. We should notice that 30.8% of our participants and similar percentages (22% to 35%) in the other three polls [
30,
31,
32] disagree or they are opposite to the ban. This absence of unanimous agreement highlights ongoing societal ambivalence regarding social media ban for children. This divergence likely reflects concerns related to effectiveness, feasibility, enforcement, children’s autonomy, and the potential displacement of responsibility from parents to the state. These concerns are further substantiated by our findings and by the three opinion polls discussed above. Specifically, 44.7% of adults across the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Poland reported that a social media ban would be either not very effective or not effective at all, whereas only 37% expressed optimism regarding its potential effectiveness [
30]. Comparable apprehensions were identified in a separate poll conducted in the United Kingdom, where 75% of adults believed that children would lie about their age, use falsified identification, or exploit technological workarounds to create accounts on banned platforms. In addition, 86% of respondents indicated that regulators lack sufficient power to hold technology companies accountable, and 67% warned that such bans could drive children toward less regulated and potentially more hazardous online environments, including the dark web [
31]. Similarly, limited confidence in the effective implementation of social media bans was observed among parents in other countries. Only 35% of parents in the United States and 29% in Australia reported confidence in their government’s ability to successfully enforce a national social media ban. Furthermore, 53% of U.S. parents and 54% of Australian parents believed that children would nonetheless find ways to access prohibited platforms [
32]. Our results are consistent with these international findings. The vast majority of participants in our study (88.6%) indicated that children would be able to circumvent restrictions and create accounts on platforms subject to a ban. Additionally, 86.7% believed that children would migrate to platforms that remain accessible and are therefore likely to be subject to less regulatory oversight. Notably, only 31.4% of respondents expressed confidence that technology companies would fully comply with the legislative requirements associated with the implementation of a social media ban. Moreover, early data from Australia confirm the concerns expressed by our participants. An online poll conducted between 12 and 31 March 2026 surveyed 1,050 children aged 12-15 years and revealed that 61% of participants who had previously maintained accounts on restricted social media platforms continued to have access to one or more active accounts following the implementation of the ban. In addition, 70% of children who reported ongoing use of restricted platforms indicated that circumventing the ban was “easy”. Notably, 21% of children reported having created accounts on platforms they had not previously used. In terms of perceived online safety, 51% of children stated that the ban had not altered how safe they felt online, while 14% reported feeling less safe online after the social media ban came into effect [
33].
Taken together, these findings suggest that while a social media ban for children may enjoy broad social legitimacy, its long-term acceptance and effectiveness may depend on clear communication, robust implementation strategies, and the parallel development of supportive educational and preventive initiatives. Our study supports this approach, since most of participants (86.5%) believed that additional measures should be implemented to effectively address the problematic social media use among children. These measures should include digital literacy courses in schools (85.8%), active parental involvement in digital literacy (77.5%), prohibition of inappropriate social media content (76.1%), reasonable parental limits on social media use (72.1%), and restriction of addictive platform features (69.3%). Thus, beyond support for a social media ban, participants in this study expressed strong agreement that additional measures are necessary to effectively address problematic social media use among children. These proposed measures suggest a nuanced understanding of the issue as a complex public health challenge. Rather than viewing prohibition as a standalone solution, respondents appear to favor a comprehensive, multi-level approach that combines regulation, education, and shared responsibility across multiple stakeholders. This perspective aligns with public health frameworks that emphasize prevention, empowerment, and environmental modification alongside regulatory measures [
20,
34,
35,
36]. The strong endorsement of educational and parental strategies also indicates recognition that children’s digital resilience and critical skills are essential components of long-term harm reduction [
21,
36,
37]. Collectively, these findings suggest that public support for restrictive policies such as social media bans is conditional upon their integration into a broader strategy that addresses both individual behaviors and the structural features of digital platforms [
36,
38,
39,
40,
41].
Furthermore, an overwhelming majority of our participants (92.7%) reported a need for more detailed information from governmental authorities regarding the implementation of a social media ban. Australian parents confirm our results since 47% of them stated that they do not understand how the Australian government’s social media ban is working [
32]. Special attention should be given to parents’ education regarding digital parental control groups since only 38.2% of parents in our sample believed that they are familiar with digital parental control groups. Moreover, only 22.2% are familiar with the application “Kids Wallet”, i.e., a Greek government mobile application designed for parents to manage their children's digital safety. These findings highlight a critical gap between general support for regulatory measures and understanding of their practical application. High demand for official guidance suggests that public acceptance of a social media ban is closely linked to clarity about its scope, enforcement mechanisms, age-verification processes, and the roles assigned to parents, schools, and platform providers. Insufficient communication may risk uncertainty, mistrust, or unrealistic expectations regarding the protective capacity of such policies. From a public health perspective, transparent and proactive dissemination of information is essential not only to ensure compliance but also to prevent a false sense of security that could reduce parental engagement with children’s digital education [
38,
40,
41].
This study suggests a positive association between age and confidence in the effectiveness of the social media ban. Additionally, we found a positive association between age and positive impact of ban on children’s lives. These findings provide important insight into generational differences in attitudes toward regulatory interventions. Older participants may be more inclined to view legislative measures as effective tools for risk mitigation, reflecting broader trust in institutional regulation or greater familiarity with policy-driven public health interventions. Older individuals often show higher levels of trust in public institutions and authorities compared to younger, more skeptical generations. This trust often translates into a belief in the necessity and effectiveness of governmental intervention. In contrast to younger respondents, older individuals may also be less embedded in digital environments and therefore perceive restrictions as more feasible and enforceable [
42,
43,
44]. Additionally, increased age is often associated with heightened awareness of long-term societal and health consequences, which may translate into stronger beliefs in the preventive potential of regulatory approaches [
45]. Age-related differences in risk perception may also play a role, as older individuals are more likely to prioritize long-term societal and developmental consequences, whereas younger cohorts may focus more strongly on immediate personal experience [
46]. This finding suggests that confidence in the effectiveness of a social media ban is shaped not only by perceptions of children’s digital risks but also by broader life experience, normative beliefs about governance, and attitudes toward state intervention. Understanding these age-related differences is essential for anticipating public responses to policy implementation and for tailoring communication strategies to address skepticism among younger populations, who may have greater direct exposure to social media and more reservations regarding the practicality of restrictive measures.
Another finding of this study is that participants with a higher socioeconomic level, as illustrated by educational level and financial status, were more likely to perceive a social media ban as having a positive impact on children’s lives. Higher socioeconomic level has been associated with greater exposure to scientific evidence, higher health literacy, and increased capacity to evaluate complex risk–benefit trade-offs, particularly in public health contexts [
47,
48,
49]. Individuals with higher socioeconomic may therefore be more aware of research documenting the potential adverse effects of excessive or problematic social media use among children and more receptive to preventive, population-level policy measures. Moreover, education has been shown to correlate with stronger support for evidence-based policymaking and greater trust in regulatory institutions, especially when interventions target collective goods such as child protection and wellbeing [
48]. In contrast, lower educational attainment has been linked to increased skepticism toward regulatory policies, often driven by concerns about feasibility, unintended consequences, or perceptions of overreach into private or family domains [
50].
An interesting finding of this study is that participants with higher levels of social media use, such as greater daily time spent on social platforms, were more likely to believe that a social media ban would have a positive impact on children’s lives. This pattern may reflect the role of experiential familiarity in shaping risk awareness and policy attitudes. Individuals who engage intensively with social media may be more directly exposed to its negative dimensions, including compulsive use tendencies, time displacement, emotional exhaustion, and exposure to harmful or distressing content [
51,
52]. Such firsthand experience may foster a more critical and reflective evaluation of social media environments, particularly with regard to their suitability for children, whose self-regulatory capacities are still developing. Frequent users often demonstrate heightened recognition of addictive design features, such as infinite scroll, algorithmic personalization, and constant notifications, which are specifically engineered to maximize engagement [
53]. Awareness of these mechanisms may increase support for external regulatory measures, including bans, as protective tools for children who may be especially vulnerable to persuasive technology. In contrast, participants with lower levels of social media use may have more limited exposure to these challenges and therefore perceive bans as less necessary or less beneficial.
A similar finding in our study is that parents with higher levels of social media use, as it is indicated by a greater total number of social media accounts, reported higher familiarity with digital parental control tools. Parents’ own digital skills and engagement with online environments are key determinants of their ability to implement effective strategies, including the use of technical controls and monitoring tools [
54,
55]. Greater personal involvement with social media platforms may enhance technical competence and awareness of platform-specific safety features, thereby increasing confidence in navigating and applying parental control technologies. Parents who are more digitally literate are more likely to adopt digital parental control tools rather than relying solely on restrictive or avoidance-based strategies. Moreover, familiarity with social media ecosystems may heighten awareness of potential online risks, motivating proactive efforts to safeguard children through the use of available digital tools [
56,
57]. In contrast, parents with lower levels of social media use may face structural and knowledge-based barriers that limit their understanding or uptake of parental control technologies, even when such tools are readily available.