2. Literature Review
The theoretical framework of environmental taxation is grounded in the concept of Pigou (1920). According to it, taxes on pollution correct negative externalities by bringing private costs into alignment with social ones. Baumol (1972) formalises this idea by proposing the so-called price-and-standard tax - a practical alternative to the theoretically optimal Pigouvian tax. The logic is straightforward - the higher price of pollution incentivises firms to invest in cleaner technologies, simultaneously reducing emissions and long-term costs.
The Porter Hypothesis (Porter & van der Linde, 1995) extends this argument. According to it, well-designed environmental regulations can not only stimulate innovation but also enhance the competitiveness of firms. The double dividend hypothesis (Goulder, 1995) adds a further argument - revenues from environmental taxes can replace distortionary taxes (e.g. income taxes), generating simultaneous environmental and economic benefit.
This outcome, however, is not automatic. Bovenberg & de Mooij (1994) emphasise that in a real environment with multiple taxes and market distortions, the net effect may be weaker than expected. Köppl & Schratzenstaller (2023) and Zhang et al. (2024) confirm that results vary substantially according to exactly how the tax is structured, how the regulation is measured, and in what institutional environment it is applied.
Thus far, the theory outlines why environmental taxes ought to work. The empirical literature, however, presents a more complex picture. The effects operate through different channels and are not always unambiguous.
The first and most studied channel of action of environmental taxes is their impact on greenhouse gas emissions and pollution. Andersson (2019) conducts one of the first quasi-experimental studies, analysing the carbon tax in Sweden through the synthetic control method. The result is that transport CO₂ emissions decrease by approximately 11% following the introduction of the tax. Sen & Vollebergh (2018) apply instrumental variables and establish that an increase of 1 euro in energy taxes leads to a reduction in carbon emissions of 0.73% in the long run. Wolde-Rufael & Mulat-weldemeskel (2023) confirm these results with panel cointegration tests for 20 European countries, finding a significant negative relationship between environmental taxes (total, energy, and transport) and CO₂ emissions. Bretschger & Grieg (2024) demonstrate for the United Kingdom that higher fuel taxation leads to a reduction in transport CO₂ emissions, without a clearly expressed negative effect on economic activity. Kohlscheen et al. (2025) establish that carbon pricing is associated with a statistically significant reduction in CO₂ emissions, particularly in the long run.
Not all studies, however, confirm this picture. Morley (2012) using GMM panel estimates for 25 European countries (1995-2005), establishes an effect on pollution but not on energy consumption. This suggests that the reduction in emissions stems from a technological transition rather than from lower consumption. Liobikienė et al. (2019) analyse 28 EU member states (1995-2012) and find no significant effect - neither direct nor indirect - of energy taxes on greenhouse emissions. The authors recommend reforming tax policy and combining it with the emissions trading system (ETS). Silajdžić & Mehić (2018) on the basis of data for 10 Central and Eastern European countries, find no convincing evidence that environmental taxes lead to effective restriction of carbon dioxide emissions. Godawska (2024) also reports heterogeneous results, establishing no statistically significant effect on nitrogen oxide emissions and only a weak effect on sulphur oxide emissions.
This group of studies reveals an important pattern. Environmental taxes may have an effect in some contexts yet appear weak or insignificant in others. The differences arise from the design of the tax, the time horizon, the method, and the chosen indicator. Therefore, the key question is not simply whether taxes work, but what exactly is being measured as an effect.
The second key channel is the relationship between environmental taxation and ecological innovations and investments. Acemoglu et al. (2012) develop a model of directed technical change. The model demonstrates that taxes and subsidies can redirect innovative efforts from dirty towards clean technologies. Aghion, et al. (2016) confirm this empirically in the automotive industry - higher fuel prices stimulate the patenting of electric and hybrid vehicles. Further studies confirm this relationship, demonstrating that environmental policies and price incentives encourage the development of cleaner technologies and increase low-carbon innovations in companies ((Johnstone et al., 2010; Calel & Dechezleprêtre, 2016; Feng et al., 2024; Hu et al., 2025).
This strand of the literature is important because it demonstrates that price pressure can alter the direction of technological development. However, it does not provide an automatic answer to the question of whether innovations translate into real eco-investments at the sectoral level. The difference between innovation (patents, R&D) and capital execution (actual investment expenditure) is substantial.
Popp (2002) and Jaffe & Palmer (1997) demonstrate that higher energy prices stimulate patenting and R&D expenditure, but evidence for a real investment effect is weaker - firms respond first with preparation rather than with capital outlays. Benatti, et al. (2024) confirm this - environmental regulations stimulate clean innovations, but the effect is considerably stronger in combination with direct R&D subsidies.
The literature on renewable energy adds a further important qualification. Johnstone et al., (2010) demonstrate that renewable energy policies influence patent activity, but results depend on the type of technology and the type of instrument. It is not sufficient to speak in general terms about environmental policy - what matters is the precise nature of the instrument: tax, subsidy, standard, or combination (Palage et al., 2019; Hille et al., 2020; Blagoeva & Georgieva, 2023).
Dechezleprêtre & Sato, (2017) present a systematic review of the literature on the impact of environmental regulations on competitiveness. The conclusion is nuanced - regulations lead to significant but small negative effects on trade, employment, and productivity in the short run - principally in energy- and pollution-intensive sectors. At the same time, there is evidence of stimulating innovation, but the benefits are insufficient to compensate the costs for regulated enterprises. Ambec et al. (2013) summarise the literature on the Porter Hypothesis and emphasise that positive effects are more likely when policies are well-designed, predictable, and consistent. Marin & Vona (2021), analysing micro-data from French manufacturing enterprises, establish that the impact of energy prices depends critically on sectoral specificity and firm characteristics. Calel & Dechezleprêtre (2016) demonstrate that the EU ETS stimulates low-carbon innovations among regulated firms. This result is an important counterpoint - price instruments can work, but the effect depends on the specific mechanism, scope, and institutional environment.
Of particular importance for the present study is the research of Carfora et al., (2021). The authors analyse the role of environmental taxes and public support policies for investments in renewable energy in the EU. Using spatial econometric models for 26 member states (2007-2018), they establish that the tax burden acts more as a barrier to renewable energy investments than as an incentive. At the same time, targeted support policies - including feed-in tariffs - demonstrate a positive effect. This result draws an important distinction - tax pressure and investment incentive are not the same thing. A sector may bear a high tax burden without this automatically leading to greater ecological investments. It is precisely this distinction that is also key to our analysis, which examines not the general ecological effect but specifically the investment response. The conclusion of Carfora et al. (2021) is in accordance with the broader literature. The effect of price instruments depends on accompanying policies. When taxes are combined with predictable support, access to financing, and clear regulatory signals, the likelihood of an investment response is higher. When such a package is absent, the tax is perceived primarily as a cost.
The growing awareness of the financial risks associated with climate change has led to the creation of institutional frameworks for the management of transition risk. TCFD (2017) defines four principal categories of climate financial risks - regulatory, technological, market, and reputational. Environmental taxes fall precisely within the category of regulatory risks, since changes in tax rates or in the scope of taxation can alter the cost structure of enterprises, their profitability, and their investment decisions. The question of whether environmental taxes stimulate eco-investments is therefore not only ecological but also financial-managerial. In this connection, ECB (2020) formulates expectations for banks to integrate climate risks into management and disclosure, whilst Nerlich, et al. (2025) identify a significant gap between the required and the actually realised green investments in the European Union. This supports the conclusion that tax policy in itself is insufficient if it is not combined with capital market reforms and regulatory predictability (Krastev & Krasteva-Hristova, 2024). The connection with the present study is direct - when taxes increase cost pressure but do not lead to investment adaptation, transition risk rises both for enterprises and for their creditors. Battiston, et al. (2017) demonstrate that such effects can be transmitted through the financial system and, through network effects, create systemic risk.
This perspective is important for the interpretation of our results. Even when no direct relationship between taxes and eco-investments is observed, this does not mean that tax policy is insignificant. Rather, it means that the effect may manifest through other channels - cost pressure, changes in the risk profile, technological deferral, or the redirection of investments. It is precisely for this reason that the empirical verification of the direct relationship is necessary rather than superfluous.
In this sense, the literature on climate financial risk and the literature on environmental taxation meet in a common question - not simply whether the policy is “green,” but whether it is effective as a mechanism for real adaptation. The present study rests precisely upon this intersection - between fiscal instrument, investment behaviour, and risk management under conditions of green transition.
The literature review reveals three substantial gaps. First, most studies focus on emissions rather than on capital eco-investments - the tax-investment relationship remains poorly studied, despite its key significance for the assessment of fiscal risk. Second, few studies combine the cross-country and cross-sector dimension, even though sectoral differences are fundamental - the same tax may act as an incentive in one sector and as a barrier in another. Third, the predominant use of absolute values without eliminating the influence of the size of the economy can lead to systematically erroneous conclusions.
The present study addresses these gaps with a country-sector panel of 7 countries and 4 NACE sectors for the period 2014-2023. Unlike most studies, which work with aggregated national data in absolute terms, here we combine the cross-country and cross-sector dimension with relative values and a five-step empirical strategy - descriptive statistics, correlations with relative values, fixed-effects panel regressions, the Granger test, and seven robustness checks. The focus is on the effectiveness of environmental taxes as a financial instrument for the management of transition risk.