When the Sugar Runs Out: Transitioning Agricultural Systems and Their Effect on Dietary Diversity in Yaguajay, Central Cuba

1. Introduction

2. Materials and Methods

3. Results

3.1. Diets in Transition

Interviews and conversations allowed us to reconstruct two major moments or transitions in the implementation of agricultural programs. The first transition comprises sugar monocrop intensification and state centralization and occurred from the late 1970s to early 1990s. During this period the region saw an expansion and mechanization of its three complejos azucareros Obdulio Morales (known as Narcisa), Aracelio Iglesias (Nela) and Simón Bolívar (Vitoria). Along with industrialization, the area experienced losses in agricultural diversity and deforestation. In the 1980s, hydrological changes and the drainage of the final residual swamp forests extended cane fields to the line of coast. The second transition began in the 1990s with the Third Agrarian Reform that led to the decentralization and diversification of agricultural practices [43]. The process decanted in the dismantling of sugar mills in the early 2000s and the expansion of agroecological and local development models in the municipality [63,64]. As a result, a highly qualified working force of more than 3,000 engineers, mechanics, and specialists along with the permanent agrarian workers who tended to the sugar plantations lost their jobs [65]. Whereas a large proportion of those unemployed turned to agriculture, close to one quarter of the working-age population found employment in the tourism sector [66]. To facilitate the finding of alternative means of subsistence, the Cuban state maintained average salaries for up to six or seven years after the closing of the mills incentivizing education at all levels. The process of reorganization of sugar production was known as “Tarea Álvaro Reynoso”. Former sugar workers completed their elementary or high school diplomas and became lawyers, accountants, technicians, teachers, and agricultural engineers. Once the Álvaro Reynoso program came to an end, many found employment in agriculture. Old sugar cane fields were turned into rangelands and cooperatives were established to organize production. Furthermore, access to higher education created an outflow of migration of the available and now highly qualified working force to other provinces. New jobs in tourism and migration contributed negatively to the ageing group of agricultural smallholders in Yaguajay who continued to produce essential foodstuffs for the district. Nowadays, La Picadora produces a myriad of different crops including rice, beans, produce, tubers, and coffee and seasonal vegetables such as tomatoes, lettuce, carrots, and onions.

Matching the two agricultural transitions outlined above, interviewees and focus group participants from both locations made a clear distinction in the quality of dietary diversity between the time during which complejos ran agricultural production in the district before the fall of the Soviet Union, and what followed to the closing of the mills in the mid 2000s and the incentivization of usufruct in non-cultivated state lands. They also recognize episodes of scarcity brought about the 1990s economic crisis and the changes introduced by the adoption of agroecological policies. More recently, interviews mentioned food shortages because of climate related factors such as hydrological drought, flooding, and hurricanes.

3.1.1. Periodization of Agricultural Transitions and Dietary Oscillations

• Diets and labor before 1989/1990

The period that followed the revolution, and specifically, the 1980s were described by interviewees as a time of bounty. The USSR provided an extensive market for sugar, financing the transformation of the sector into a modern agrotechnical industry. As part of these technological exchanges with socialist countries such as Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Mongolia, Cubans received items ranging from fridges, engines, and cars, to canned fruits and meats. The island provided in return sugar, citric products, and nickel, along with non-skilled and qualified workers and medical professionals. Thus, it was not unusual to find Cubans working in Eastern Germany and Czechoslovakia or touring Moscow, Hungary, and Bulgaria as part of cultural programs. During these years, sugar factories in Yaguajay, were complex conglomerates that included, beyond extensive cane fields, living quarters, mechanical workshops, and agricultural and ranching lands. This was termed a “distrito cañero” and referred to the agglomeration of population settlements with industrial buildings. Workers were divided into different teams according to their tasks and received a salary and incentives. This type of organization of production activities was not unique to the municipality, it was also replicated with some minor adjustments in other provinces.

As part of an arrangement with the groups of labor known as “centros de trabajo”, the workers had arduous days of planting, tending, harvesting, transporting, and processing cane. The central had its own food production groups known as “brigadas de autoconsumo” (self-sufficiency brigades) responsible for farming, processing, and the obtainment of the necessary food for all employees. The central also provided access to workers to what was known as the “cuota cañera”, a big sac of products that included a rice, canned products, rum, cigars, and even soap that operated as an incentive and allowed households to buy subsidized foods at a marginal price. In fact, some of the respondents described the sac as “una salvajada”, an excess of items that were shared beyond close family, friends, and neighbors. As a result of exchanges and their work in the sugar sector, rural households became acquainted with the famous Russian meat, a can of boiled beef which sometimes included pork or ham, along with sardines and anchovies, black bread, borscht, candied peaches, lichi, boiled vegetables, and milk from local producers. In some cases, the cuota was calculated to last for the most intensive periods of labor such as the harvest. However, because the availability and variability of products was determined by foreign trade relations, there was a list of more common items that were locally consumed and could not be bought through the program such as tubers, vegetable roots, or butter. In those cases, households exchanged products, bartered, or purchased desired foodstuff in informal markets. Respondents also mentioned that during agricultural labor they received breakfast, lunch, and snacks. The food in the fields was very good and reflected what was available at the time. The tradition of cultivating sugar introduced an important habit among farmers and salaried workers: the consumption of sugar in all diverse variants such as guarapo (sugarcane juice), molasses, and even stalks from the plant. The stalks, which were frequently chewed while conducting field labor, left a permanent imprint in the form of tooth decay and wear. Among interviewees, for example, 75% of farmers mentioned that they had regularly consumed sugarcane stalks throughout their childhood and as adults. Some of them also recalled the habit of skinning the stick of cane with their teeth (“pelar la caña con los dientes”), which explains observed dental deterioration. In all, rural households had several sources or means to access low-price foodstuffs: through small scale production or barter, through the national ration system, by purchasing independently in state markets, and the cuota cañera. As a farmer indicated, “se comía bien… uno trabajaba mucho pero siempre había… se vivía como ricos” (they lived like wealthy people, work was hard but there was always food, they ate well).

2.

The Special Period (1990-1999)

The year 1989 marks the beginning of change in diets, with canned goods replaced by fresh meat and produce when available. This period lasted until 1991 when the crisis deepened and access to foodstuffs became arduous. Items such as milk, chicken, beef, and oil completely disappeared from local bodegas, also known as state stores [67]. The cuota cañera shrank and other rationing systems considerably reduced their inventory and the proportion subsidized to a handful of products. Despite challenges, farmers and sugar industry workers found alternative strategies to survive. After a long shift in the central, many reverted to agricultural labor extending crops and planting surfaces. They began cultivating in the little land that could be found around their houses, in gardens and former wastelands. They bartered and sold whatever excess they produced in informal markets. Clothes and goods were also traded, long-term storage facilities built, and food processing and conservation techniques such as preserves were improved. Some ventured into manufacturing their own laundry and toiletry products. Other strategies among farming households included poli-cultivation and crop diversification, the planting of short-term crops, the joining of production cooperatives, the cultivation of animal fodder, and the participation in agricultural fairs. Not surprisingly, the implementation of strategies depended on access to land among other resources. As one of the respondents indicated, despite adversity they still managed to eat. The days of past bounty seemed like they never happened.

In the meantime, in late 1992 and 1993 the state introduced a process of reorganization of the sugar industry into smaller farms or UBPCs (Unidades Básicas de Producción Cooperativa), representing about ten to 15% of the original extension [68]. In this new form, farms oversaw managing production through the liberalization of the ownership of agricultural means, with exception of the land [69]. The UBPC had now the tasks of securing total production goals as well as attaining self-sufficiency in food, implementing agroecological techniques, and of growing a wider variety of seasonal crops [70]. A similar process of de-statization of livestock production was introduced in former rancherias and dairy centers, which now became small farms holding ten to 60 cows, or 1.2 to 2 cattle per hectare. The decline in productivity experienced in those years meant a decrease of almost 60% in total crops. With scarcity endangering the health of the population, thousands of dairy cows were re-directed to slaughter. Almost half of all grasslands in the island were covered by invasive species like marabú (Dichrostachys cinerea) and the average daily production of liters of milk per cow fell from 6.1 in 1990 to 3.1 in 1992 [69], a value that has not yet improved according to respondents. To recover the sector, more attention was paid to the generation of alternative production inputs such as organic pesticides and fodder, along with a revitalization of organopónicos or urban farms. However, as some respondents indicated, the solutions that were implemented were to a large extent of a centralized nature and disregarded local particularities.

For example, some of the variants that self-sufficiency brigades were responsible for growing in complejos, did not match dietary habits. As a result, produce was sent elsewhere or left to rot. It would take several more years before the country was able to bounce back to production levels modestly approaching those of the late 1980s. In this light, the record crop of tubers in 1999 indicated the change in agricultural varieties [68]. Progressively, as the situation improved and with the deactivation of the industrial conglomerates, rural households began applying for newly available agricultural parcels. Access to land was recognized by respondents as a key buffer to scarcity, allowing for the cultivation of staples that could be traded for essential items. Simultaneously, the country invested significant effort in developing the tourism and services sector in a bid to increase the inflow of foreign capital and currency [71]. Changes affected the municipality when the neighboring province of Villa María opened an international tourism hub in the early 2000s that offered salaried jobs.

As it was noted, the special period had a remarked effect on women which were historically those responsible for household nutrition [67,72]. In urban areas such as Havana or Santiago, the need for resources led many to open paladares, small restaurants which are increasingly ran by women. In addition, women began preparing and selling snacks on the street or in their houses, working as vendors going door-to-door and trading key foodstuffs, or even commercializing the “bolsa Negra”, a gathering of items bought directly from state workers at discounted prices [51,73]. According to interviewees and accounts from the literature, this return to the domestic sphere of production remained to a large extent informal. Shortages in electricity and scarcity of petrol and kerosene resulted also in prolonged domestic tasks [74]. Women had to rely on timber or wood, coal, and diesel to cook. As water pumps stopped working, women had to contend with obtaining clean water for preparing foods, drinking, bathing, laundry, and cleaning. The absence of common ingredients, or the shutting down of state-sponsored diners, cantinas for workers, and cafeterias in schools, also created stressors for household heads who had to devise inventive ways of coming together with a complete meal. In the countryside, while options for alternative employment were much limited and tourism virtually inexistent, women had access to gardens and orchards that helped provide for family needs. Beyond food, lack of goods extended to hygiene and cleaning products, linens and clothes, shoes, sanitary towels, toothpaste, and domestic appliances.

To meet these needs, households became creative. For instance, lemon juice was used for toiletries and shampoo. Support among neighbors and friends allowed households to cook together, exchange items such as coffee for beans or rice for medication, or even collaborate in production activities. The high level of solidarity in agricultural labor distinguishes La Picadora from other towns in the region [64,75]. In fact, many respondents mentioned the importance of working together and helping each other beyond the formed cooperatives as a key factor in overcoming challenges. Considering these arrangements, during this time participants alluded to the high prices of foods which made any purchase in markets almost prohibitive. Local networks of neighbors and family would constantly share information regarding the availability of products in local stores or among other households to facilitate access. Beyond the search for better prices, in private domestic settings strategies also included the careful planning and reallocation of resources to primary needs such as food, the prioritization of the nutrition of elderly, children, and sick, the skipping or reduction in portions in meals, and the fixing of wardrobe items and shoes.

3.

Post-Sugar Monocrop (2000s-2020).

In the early 2000s when activities from the sugar industry largely ended, the municipality put forth a strategy to achieve nutritional self-sufficiency, boost agricultural production, and expand forestry programs. New plans were launched to develop the dairy industry which included the introduction of water buffaloes along with traditional livestock. The strategy sought to increase production of fruits and vegetables in about one third in comparison to the previous years, with other staples like rice and grain crops expected to grow between 4 and 5% [76]. As a result, three state-run empresas were created with 9 cooperatives specifically focused on agriculture and livestock (CPAs) and 21 UBPCs also concentrated in food production. Infrastructure was built to optimize pig rearing as a source of animal protein, and smaller farms were dedicated to poultry. The Cuban Food Ministry also incentivized freshwater aquaculture providing support for species like Claria (Claridaee family) and Tilapia (Cichlidae family) to be grown in dikes and ponds throughout the province. Finally, the community of La Picadora developed an agrotourism business in 2015 that houses foreign tourists on a regular basis. Most households participate in the effort by providing services such as cooking or sharing agricultural resources to support the visitors. Earnings are shared equally [37,60].

In terms of dietary diversity, our surveys from 2017 showed that ingestion of rice occurred among farming households every day (see Table 2). Bread and crackers were consumed by approximately 80% of the sample daily, and viandas by 60% of respondents. Close to 40% households made use of other vegetables such as spinach or lettuce, and 42% also consumed fruits. These figures are roughly similar among fishing households in Yaguajay, which reported a higher use of vegetables and fruits. However, differences arose when observing the sources of animal protein in both diets. Only 33,3 % of fishing households consumed pork between two to three times a week. Comparatively, among farmers, the proportion was 81,2% for pork in the same frequency, with 50% of the sample also consuming chicken and processed meats twice or three times weekly. The latter was rarely consumed among fishing households. On the other hand, fish was seldom eaten in La Picadora. Yet, close to 82% of the households in Yaguajay relied on fish at least once a week, with 31% of homes consuming this food daily. Eggs were also used daily in preparations by 47% farming households and 36% fishing households. There was also a relatively higher consumption of dairy, about twice the amount, for products such as milk and cheese among respondents in Yaguajay. In addition, fishing households relied on vegetable fat, while farmers on animal fat in their preparations. The whole sample exhibited a high ingestion of sugary drinks like sodas on a daily frequency.

In all, despite the higher use of marine and coastal products, fishing household diets captured a mix of traditional rural cuisine. For example, the preferred food for parties and special events continued to be pork both slow-roasted or in different kinds of preparations such as fricassee; in conjunction with a small portion of raw vegetables, boiled yucca with a garlic and vinegar dressing, and congris (the mix of black beans and rice). Regarding cooking techniques, vegetables and viandas tended to be consumed raw or boiled. Like pork and different meats, fish were fried, baked, or roasted. There was also consumption of highly processed meats such as sausages or croquettes, which can also be made of chicken and fish. The availability of these kinds of preparations varied depending on what is sold at the state Acopio store or available through the market. The same is to be said for flour-based products such as bread and crackers.

4.

Post-Sugar Monocrop (2000s-2020).

Nowadays, as elsewhere in the island, rural households are experiencing food shortages. Despite government efforts, agricultural and aquaculture outputs remain insufficient to meet local needs and imports have dwindled [77,78,79]. During recent conversations, farmers discussed the low level of milk productivity that is reported among livestock, and shortages in the availability of animal protein, flour, and grain. While international sanctions continue to severely limit access to global markets, some of the difficulties affecting the agricultural sector in the long run are to be found in the interaction of low government investment, anthropogenic degradation, and climate related pressures such as extreme events and prolonged droughts. Heat stress, water scarcity, and hurricanes have particularly affected cattle, fruit trees, and rice [57,59]. Over the next century, the region is expected to experience significant losses in hydrological resources [80,81], which may aggravate the current economic situation.

In comparison to 2017, our repeated survey from 2022 (see Table 3) elicited some potential modifications in diets in La Picadora reflecting the new conditions. Preliminary findings show overall decreases in the frequency of consumption of a total of fifteen food items, including pork, meat derived products and entrails, eggs, dairy, maize, sweets, and flour-based products, such as bread, pasta, and crackers. This finding matches what was reported during conversations in focus groups and interviews. A decrease in the use of vegetables and an increase in the daily consumption of fruits was mentioned by participants and is also observed partially in the dataset. Probably, the most important finding is the significant decline in the consumption of pork and its partial replacement by chicken and/or fish. The decline in pork is also seen as an increase in the use of animal and vegetable fat, showing processes of substitution as well as changes in frequency of previously marginally employed items such as fish. Consequently, whereas decreases in foodstuffs dominate findings, increments in the use of viandas including produce and tubers and processed meats are also observed. As it was indicated in the case of fruits and chicken, they are now consumed with a higher weekly frequency which may indicate processes of replacement of more expensive foods. To sum up, while in 2017 the most frequently used items included grain and pork, in 2022 the composition of meals changed to grain and chicken along with other less popular foodstuffs. The replacement of what are seen as culturally important items like pork by lesser valuable ones is done out of necessity and is perceived as negative by interviewees.

According to respondents, the observed dietary changes are not just explained by preferences or environmental stressors, but by the domestic economic situation, the deacceleration in tourism visits due to the pandemic, financial volatility, and by the lack of access to foodstuffs in general. In fact, a reduction in alimentary imports and mounting economic deficit produced by low export levels [82] may account for the diminished consumption of dairy products such as powdered milk, deserts, and milk-based puddings, and store-bought foods such as sugary drinks, cookies, and sweets as shown in the survey. It is important to observe that respondents compared the special period to present days, with current conditions being described as a bit worse than in the past (“estamos más apretados”, we are more pressed). Despite difficulties, some rural households were still able to maintain a traditional “Cuban” diet including pork two or three days of the week. Such finding is not necessarily surprising given the relatively low variation in foodstuffs that characterize this cuisine and the high level of internalization that certain ingredients have in culinary practices. As a positive note, the continuation of the traditional rural cuisine that is to a large extent homogeneous across the Cuban provinces provides mechanisms to implement nutritional programs in a cost-effective and uniform way [83]. On the other hand, persistence of this traditional “Cuban” diet may suggest the thesis that this constitutes a population with high levels of consumption of sugars and carbohydrates when animal protein availability decreases. Without government support and protection of key foodstuffs like milk in ration programs, the country may place below recommended standards for dairy or micronutrient ingestion. Continuous research is needed to evaluate this hypothesis and the role of what is known as the “Cuban” cuisine in undermining new alternative dishes and preparations.

Overall, we observe that current strategies, the set of deliberate actions seeking to maintain the family unit during times of stress, vary according to access to land, foreign currency, collective work and participation in cooperative groups, and the partaking in state-funded ration systems beyond la libreta. Most actions are centered around securing the necessary resources to meet household needs, but also may involve issues related to improving living conditions such as housing. In terms of food, the search for better and more economical prices for subsistence items predominates, with values much lower in the countryside or in rural areas. The ability to trade and barter has become essential, which explains the more recent opening of an agricultural market in La Picadora.

Table 2. Diet comparison between residents of La Picadora and Yaguajay in 2017 (values in percentages).

Table 2. Diet comparison between residents of La Picadora and Yaguajay in 2017 (values in percentages).

Yaguajay (N: 14 fishing households)	Never	0	21	0	7	0	7	0	0	64	0	43	7	21	57	0	0	29	43	21	0	29	14	0
	Rarely	0	43	14	43	7	7	21	15	36	21	21	7	57	29	14	0	0	21	21	0	36	7	0
	1 Wk	0	21	7	29	7	0	0	23	0	14	29	7	14	14	0	0	0	7	7	7	0	7	0
	2/3 Wk	0	7	0	21	36	29	14	38	0	50	7	21	7	0	36	0	0	7	21	7	0	29	14
	4/5 Wk	0	0	0	0	7	14	7	8	0	0	0	29	0	0	14	7	7	0	0	0	0	14	21
	Daily	100	7	79	0	43	43	57	15	0	14	0	29	0	0	36	93	64	21	29	86	36	29	64
La Picadora (N: 19 farming households)	Never	0	21	0	0	0	5	0	0	68	5	16	16	84	32	0	0	42	26	21	42	5	5	16
	Rarely	0	37	5	21	0	16	5	0	26	0	11	58	16	21	0	0	5	5	11	0	5	11	5
	1 Wk	0	5	0	32	6	11	5	5	0	37	21	21	0	32	5	0	5	5	5	5	0	21	0
	2/3 Wk	0	32	0	42	11	21	11	74	5	42	42	0	0	11	26	5	5	32	42	21	5	16	0
	4/5 Wk	0	0	11	0	22	5	37	21	0	16	11	5	0	5	21	5	11	11	11	11	11	11	5.5
	Daily	100	5	84	5	61	42	42	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	47	89	32	21	11	21	74	37	68
	Item	Rice	Maize	Bread	Pasta	Vianda	Vegetables	Fruits	Pork	Rabbit	Chicken	Processed Meat	Fish	Shellfish	Entrails/Viscera	Eggs	Grains/Beans	Milk	Yogurt	Cheese	Vegetable Fat	Animal Fat	Sweets/cakes	Sodas/Drinks
	Food Group	Group 1				Group 2		Group 3	Group 4									Group 5			Group 6		Group 7

Table 3. Diet comparison between 2017 and 2022 among farming households in La Picadora (values in percentages).

Table 3. Diet comparison between 2017 and 2022 among farming households in La Picadora (values in percentages).

La Picadora (N: 16 farming households) 2022	Never	0	29	13	6.2	0	6.2	0	6.2	100	6.2	13	25	94	56	6.2	0	56	31	19	0	6.2	38	56.2
	Rarely	0	21	0	44	6.2	25	19	25	0	6.2	19	31	6.2	38	0	0	6.2	25	25	0	6.2	0	12.5
	1 Wk	0	14	0	25	0	19	6.2	25	0	6.2	38	31	0	6.2	0	0	0	13	19	0	0	0	12.5
	2/3 Wk	0	36	6.2	19	13	25	19	44	0	69	31	13	0	0	50	6.2	13	19	25	0	0	31	18.8
	4/5 Wk	0	0	6.2	6.2	6.2	6.2	0	0	0	13	0	0	0	0	25	0	0	0	13	0	0	25	0
	Daily	100	0	75	0	75	19	56	0	0	0	0	0	0	0	19	94	25	13	0	100	88	6.2	0
La Picadora (N: 19 farming households) 2017	Never	0	25	0	0	0	6.2	0	0	75	6.2	19	19	94	38	0	0	44	31	25	44	6.2	6.2	18.8
	Rarely	0	38	6.2	19	0	19	6.2	0	19	0	13	56	6.2	19	0	0	6.2	6.2	6.2	0	6.2	6.2	0
	1 Wk	0	6.2	0	31	6.7	13	6.2	6.2	0	21	13	25	0	31	6.2	0	6.2	6.2	0	6.2	0	19	6.2
	2/3 Wk	0	31	0	44	13	19	6.2	81	6.2	50	50	0	0	13	31	6.2	6.2	31	50	25	6.2	19	0
	4/5 Wk	0	0	13	0	27	6.2	38	13	0	13	6.2	0	0	0	19	0	13	6.2	13	6.2	6.2	6.2	6.2
	Daily	100	0	81	6.2	53	38	44	4.5	0	0	0	0	0	0	44	94	25	19	6.2	19	75	44	68
	Item	Rice	Maize	Bread	Pasta	Vianda	Vegetables	Fruits	Pork	Rabbit	Chicken	Processed Meat	Fish	Shellfish	Entrails/Viscera	Eggs	Grains/Beans	Milk	Yogurt	Cheese	Vegetable Fat	Animal Fat	Sweets/cakes	Sodas/Drinks
	Food Group	Group 1				Group 2		Group 3	Group 4									Group 5			Group 6		Group 7

4. Discussion

5. Conclusions

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