A promoting work for the elderly is an important way of empowering the participation of the elderly in society for economic development, which will lead to the well-being of the elderly. This is presented the policy proposal for elderly government officials employment in public sector organizations landscape study by policy research on EDFR which combines MACR, especially, elderly civil servants in public sector organizations of 56 - 60 years, and aged of 60 years to over, include the experts into the data. Comparing the employment forms elderly civil servants in public sector organizations of flexible employment and new employment models to differences at statistical significance level of 0.01, 0.05, respectively. Significance the policy proposal for elderly government officials employment at “Key” factors of the strategies, goals, measures, and operational guidelines to effectiveness.

This study contextualises the background of Japan’s “carbon neutrality and net-zero” (CNN) policy announced in October 2020, thereby identifying important changes in the country’s climate policy between 1990 and 2020. Using four research questions, four main findings were extracted from a narrative technique-based analysis of Japan’s policy documents related to CNN. The following are the findings: [i] the framing of climate change as a “climate crisis” by influential Japanese climate stakeholders was a key motivation for Japan to formally announce its CNN policy in October 2020, [ii] pressure from the international community and the political leadership of the Yoshihide Suga administration are essential factors that led the Japanese government to change its stance and announced this policy, [iii] Japan unintentionally delayed announcement of the policy until 2020 due to the concern among Japanese climate stakeholders about the problem of fairness in Kyoto Protocol’s emission reduction targets, and [iv] this delay was also due to Keidanren’s (or business sector) consistent opposition to the introduction of regulatory schemes. These results emerge for the first time in a study of Japan’s CNN politics, particularly in terms of the broader context of climate politics. Finally, we offer a possible explanation for Suga’s deliberate announcement of the CNN policy. This opens up space for future research to complement our study by providing important indicators on the trajectory of this important policy.

This study empirically examines the spatial spillover effect of various environmental regulations on green technology innovation using panel data from 284 county-level cities in China between 2007 and 2019. A geographical-economic spatial weight matrix is constructed, and the spatial Durbin model is employed to identify the specific characteristics of this spillover effect. The findings indicate that the spatial spillover effect of green technology innovation primarily occurs through geographical transmission. However, there is no significant spatial autocorrelation when using the economic distance weight matrix. Various types of environmental regulations influence the spatial spillover effect of green technology innovation in distinct ways. Specifically, Market-motivated environmental regulation exhibits a U-shaped relationship with the spatial spillover effect, while Command-controlled environmental regulation demonstrates an inverted U-shaped relationship, suggesting a complementary effect. Additional research shows that the upgrading of industrial structure acts as a mediator between command environmental regulation and the spatial spillover effect of green technology innovation. Government departments should comprehensively coordinate Market-motivated environmental regulation and Command-controlled environmental regulation, accurately assess the intensity of Command-controlled measures, and prevent the migration of green technology innovation elements caused by excessive regulatory measures within enterprises.

A regional organisation (RO) is a group of states that, through the formation of mutual relationships, work together for shared regional goals such as economic growth, social welfare, security, and democracy. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is one such organisation, of interest because of its operative paradoxes. However, current theory to study ROs is both fragmented across the field of study, and inadequate. Taking ROs to be complex adaptive systems, diagnosing ROs requires theory that can to explore their hidden aspects. The metacybernetics framework enables the creation of a critical realism configurative a-priori inquiry approach to theory building, the configurations providing coordinative schemas able to respond to predefined complex modelling needs. To analyse ROs using metacybernetics, we offer a derivative schema, Cultural Agency Theory (CAT). Currently this is limited to exploring modes of information acquisition processes through cognitive style, and until now has had no inherent mechanism to explore social relationships as is required to explore ROs. To enable CAT to explore such relationships, we configure the Tönnies social organisation paradigm for CAT. Mindset Agency Theory (MAT) is a specific elaboration of CAT, and creates an empirical setting for the set of formative traits that de-fine an RO character. A related derivative of CAT is that of Multiple Identity Theory (MIT) which enables organisational pathologies to be explored in terms of identity conflicts. This multifaceted paradigm provides a relatively simple approach to the RO diagnosis, in particular in terms of stability/coherence. This paper is in two parts. In this part 1, the CAT theory will be further developed through the joint configuration of Tönnies social organisation paradigm allowing its pathologies to be diagnosed. In part 2 of the paper, the theory will be applied to ASEAN and the diagnosis will show that it is an inherently incoherent organisation.

A regional organisation (RO) is a group of states that, through the formation of mutual relation-ships, work together for shared regional goals such as economic growth, social welfare, security, and democracy. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is one such organisation, of interest because of its operative paradoxes. However, current theory to study ROs is both fragmented across the field of study, and inadequate. Taking ROs to be complex adaptive systems, diagnosing ROs requires theory that can to explore their hidden aspects. The metacybernetics framework enables the creation of a critical realism configurative a-priori inquiry approach to theory building, the configurations providing coordinative schemas able to respond to predefined complex modelling needs. To analyse ROs using metacybernetics, we offer a derivative schema, Cultural Agency Theory (CAT). Currently this is limited to exploring modes of information acquisition processes through cognitive style, and until now has had no inherent mechanism to explore social relationships as is required to explore ROs. To enable CAT to explore such relationships, we configure the Tönnies social organisation paradigm for CAT. Mindset Agency Theory (MAT) is a specific elaboration of CAT, and creates an empirical setting for the set of formative traits that de-fine an RO character. A related derivative of CAT is that of Multiple Identity Theory (MIT) which enables organisational pathologies to be explored in terms of identity conflicts. Thes multifaceted paradigm provides a relatively simple approach to the RO diagnosis, in particular in terms of stability/coherence. This paper is in two parts. In this part 1, the CAT theory will be further developed through the joint configuration of Tönnies social organisation paradigm allowing its pathologies to be diagnosed. In part 2 of the paper, the theory will be applied to ASEAN and the diagnosis will show that it is an inherently incoherent organisation

The Transformation Flower Approach (TFA) introduced in this paper attends to multiple value creation and institutional change as a dual design challenge. By integrating social scientific theories and models relevant for transformative change (in particular focusing on pathways, leverage points, governance, power, and values) and practical insights from an ongoing societal transformation (concerning the Dutch food system), the TFA provides a holistic, transdisciplinary and practically relevant approach that aims to support new social contract formation. This distinguishes the TFA from other transformative change approaches. Based on the notion of pathways, the TFA offers a toolbox that aids in working towards desirable futures, involving both incumbents and challengers in an effort to harness untapped yet proximal potentials in a forward-looking way. By embracing an innovation approach, it not only promises to circumvent a substantial amount of resistance to change, but also serves as a step-by-step approach to identify options for multiple value creation and effective cooperation. We demonstrate the analytical and practical value of the TFA by discussing action perspectives at various levels and scales in the context of the Dutch food system transition, including (1) area-oriented approaches, (2) acceleration agendas for specific transformation pathways, and (3) actor-specific transformation flowers. In developing these, we emphasize the importance of interdependencies between leverage points. Our approach helps to identify opportunities to link transformative options (the what), actors (the who) and levers (the how) in dynamic interaction to embark on transformative pathways.

With the global outbreak of COVID-19, the panic buying incidents triggered by the variants of the Omicron strain have severely affected the normal social order. This paper considers the complex interest game and interactive relationship among multiple subjects in the mass panic buying event caused by rumors and constructs a three-party evolution game model of local government, rumor-monger, and public. Based on the theory of evolution game, the evolutionary process of the strategy selection of game subjects is studied, and the strategy selection of the three-game subjects under different scenarios is compared and analyzed. Taking the example of the montmorillonite powder panic buying caused by the XBB virus strain rumor in China, the evolutionary game model constructed in this study is simulated and analyzed. The study shows that: the evolution process of the mass panic buying event is characterized by six stages: the initial stage E1(0,0,0); the outbreak stage E3(0,1,0);the spread stage E7(0,1,1);the climax stage E8(1,1,1);the relief stage E5(1,1,0);and the recovery stage E4(1,0,0); there are four stable points in the evolutionary game of the three game subjects, namely (no intervention, no rumor, no panic buying), (no intervention, rumor, no panic buying), (intervention, no rumor, no panic buying), and (intervention, rumor, no panic buying), and the strategy of government intervention will be adjusted according to the strategy selection of the public and the rumor-monger; under the mechanism of reward and punishment of the higher-level government, increasing the punishment and reward intensity of the higher-level government will promote the local government to intervene in the rumor-mongering event faster, but increasing the reward intensity has a more significant impact on the intervention behavior of the local government than punishment, and increasing punishment intensity has a more significant impact on the non-rumor-mongering behavior of the rumor-monger than reward; the parameters of social risk-bearing cost, risk transmission coefficient, rumor-mongering income and cost, and public drug purchase cost have different degrees of influence on the evolutionary behavior of game subjects. This study provides new ideas for effectively responding to mass panic buying events in the context of public emergencies.

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected Bangladesh's economic and social well-being in many ways. During the lockdown, many households lost their full income. The day labors and the slum dwellers including rickshaw pullers, CNG drivers, housemaids, hawkers, and street vendors were the worst victims of this pandemic. Besides the voluntary organizations, the city corporation, being instructed by the central government took the initiative to distribute necessary food as well as financial assistance to the city dwellers to survive during the lockdown. The objective of this study is to identify the satisfaction level of the slum dwellers with the assistance received from the City Corporation and get an idea of how far these supports were enough for them to lead their livelihood. It is a mixed-method research consisting of both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Researchers conducted a field survey in Sylhet City Corporation, the northeastern part of Bangladesh, and collected primary data from eighty respondents through a semi-structured questionnaire along with an interview schedule. Samples have been selected by applying a multistage sampling technique. Researchers analyzed quantitative data using SPSS software and qualitative data using the thematic analysis method. Study findings reveal that, although this aid was very inadequate compared to the needs of the slum dwellers, it was able to alleviate food shortages to some extent in times of extreme hardship. However, some dwellers got deprived of the aid due to having different political ideologies and corruption. Proper aid management, well coordination, and community participation are indispensable for dealing with any crisis.

Regional organisations (ROs) are important in that they can enable states in their regions to pros-per and develop for improvement. Interest here lies in the European Union (EU) and the Associa-tion of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Their political development involves complex process-es for collective actions involving ingroup member RO states. To explore development, we firstly examine the rise of both the EU and ASEAN. The literature gives some attention to the behaviour-alist political approach to explain developmental differences using social organisation theory, often in terms of the Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft paradigm of Tönnies. However, here we adopt a social psychology approach that distinguishes between operative structure (which directly determines behaviour), and substructure (housing normative personality deemed to be responsible for behav-ioural imperatives). This enables a relationship to be made between the Tönnies paradigm and the Collectivism-Individualism paradigm of Triandis. The theoretical approach adopted involves a complex adaptive systems model deriving from metacybernetics, and this also delivers Mindset Agency Theory as a qualitative methodology. Consistent with the general view, it is shown that the EU is more or less a coherent rational organisation, while ASEAN is more idealistic delivering pragmatic paradox. In particular, ASEAN is frequently descried as an organisation with contra-dictions, and for this reason its pathologies are explored in some detail

Hundreds of millions of people on the planet are affected by malnourishment. This contributes to the vulnerability of large swaths of the population, especially children under five years old extremely vulnerable to diseases and even death in the least developed countries. Today, by providing a substantial share of global protein intake, as well as fatty acids and micronutrients, fisheries contribute to global food security. As fish stocks in the upper sea levels have already been over-exploited, there might not be enough in supplying food security, deep-sea fisheries have been increasingly discussed to address this problem. Some mesopelagic fishes show the potential to provide important nutrients. Another way of supplying food security might be through using mesopelagic fish as fish feed. However, fishing in the mesopelagic zone could lead to severe ecological problems and the impact on the biological carbon pump is uncertain. This paper highlights and juxtaposes different perspectives regarding exploitation pathways of the fish riches of deep seas and reviews best practice model projects that deal with uncertainties related to fishery management in the mesopelagic zone.

This study examines the Health Silk Road (HSR) as a critical component of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its implications for global health and international relations. The HSR aims to enhance public health and foster international cooperation in the healthcare sector, with objectives including strengthening healthcare infrastructure, expanding China's global health leadership, and enhancing international health cooperation. Through an in-depth analysis of the China-Pakistan collaboration on healthcare under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a case study, this research explores the motives, implications, and potential concerns associated with the HSR. This research posits that the HSR has a mix of positive and negative implications, making it challenging to categorize the initiative as simply good or bad. While the HSR contributes to improved healthcare services, infrastructure, and capacity-building in participating countries, it also raises concerns about debt sustainability, transparency, and China's geopolitical influence. This research contributes to a nuanced understanding of the HSR's multifaceted impacts and underscores the importance of open dialogue, cooperation, and the sharing of best practices among stakeholders in order to maximize the initiative's benefits and minimize potential negative consequences. By assessing the motives, implications, and concerns of the HSR, this study offers valuable insights for policymakers, global health practitioners, and scholars, highlighting the significance of international collaboration in addressing shared health challenges and promoting sustainable development.

This research aims to produce a network structure in the Integrated Urban Farming Program in Bandung City to map the policy actors involved in it as an effort to support food security in the city. This research uses a mixed method with an exploratory sequential strategy involving policy actors from the government, private sector, academia, community, and mass media. To obtain the network structure in integrated urban farming to determine the most important actors, this research uses a social network analysis approach by utilizing the Gephi application. The network structure is based on four dimensions, namely centrality. The results of this study confirm that the actor who has the most connections (degree centrality), as well as the one who holds the best communication control (betweenness centrality), is Parahyangan Catholic University (Academic). While the actor who plays the most important role (eigenvector) is at the lower level of the government Sub-District and Urban Village. This research is useful for explaining the importance of the position of actors in the urban agriculture policy network which is the key to the success of a program.

Mobile software applications (apps) have transformed how individuals oversee and maintain their own health. One way that girls can monitor their menstrual cycles is through the increasingly widespread use of mobile menstrual tracking apps. This study aims to examine menstrual symptom tracking for adolescents in English and Chinese apps, exploring menstrual literacy, cross-cultural differences, and framing, or presentation, of symptoms. The mixed methods content analysis involved 15 popular free menstrual tracking apps in English (n = 8) and Chinese (n = 7). Quantitative analysis of qualitative data was conducted through manual coding of content and automatically analyzing sentiment, or emotional tone, using a computational approach. We found that: (1) Menstrual literacy on symptom management or treatment was generally insufficient, (2) There were more available emotional than physical symptoms in English than Chinese apps, (3) Symptoms were framed more negatively than positively, somewhat more in Chinese than English apps. Findings emphasize the importance of improving information in digital menstrual trackers. Our findings further reflect cultural differences in emotional expression and negative attitudes toward menstruation. Since adolescence is a critical developmental stage that requires ample support, digital menstrual trackers can uniquely shape attitudes and experiences, ultimately, empowering teenagers to better manage their menstrual health.

This study is centred on Insecurity and Electoral Administration in Nigeria. Elections are the leading mechanism for selecting governments and a cardinal feature of democratisation. The quest for fair representation, development, good governance, inclusiveness and a true sense of belonging has been the driving force for election. The conduct of credible elections remains one of the thorny and fundamental issues in a democracy. The trajectory of electoral administration in Nigeria is long and tortuous; it precedes independence and is punctuated by the elite's scheming and cunning, electoral fraud, gimmicks and violence. Nigeria has had its fair share of insecurity from diverse sources such as banditry, insurgency, recurring violent religious crises, ethnic, resource and poverty-induced militancy, and crises occasioned by the clamour for self-determination. This has left the electoral management body in a quandary and has undoubtedly imperilled the administration of elections in Nigeria and equally accentuated the temerity for a holistic approach in reversing the trend and engendering the right atmosphere for the administration of elections. This study depends mainly on secondary sources and uses qualitative means in data analysis. It is revealed in this study that violence and various degrees of interruptions have taken the front burner in the democratisation process and are one of the dangerous dimensions in electoral administration; electoral politics remains one of the remarkable principal bases of clashes, political failure and social dislocation, Elections and their administration are some of the most complicated, time-sensitive activities undertaken by any country which will be exacerbated by insecurity. Democratic elections are successful when the electorate can make informed decisions; when faith in the process is sustained; when fraud is disincentivised, detected and punished. When insecurity is whittled down, mitigated or eradicated. The need for electoral security can never be overemphasised.

The Armed Criminal Group (KKB) in Papua is still conducting acts of terror such as burning public facilities, killing people, and spreading propaganda through social media, which could threaten the integrity of Papua as part of Indonesia. This study used a critical discourse analysis approach to identify various propaganda for Free Papua, collected from uploads on Facebook owned by KKB Papua and its sympathizers. The propaganda claims that TNI and Polri conduct open operations, form militias, and commit violence and torture against the Papuan people. Non-Papuan Indonesians are labeled with derogatory words, while Papuan students are persecuted. Independence is seen as a way to liberate Papua from Indonesian colonialism, with demands for a referendum and termination of special autonomy. KKB also proclaimed a provisional Constitution (UUD) and rejected Indonesian legal products. The propaganda techniques used by KKB include card stacking, name calling, glittering generalities, and bandwagons. To overcome this propaganda, efforts are needed to provide correct and reliable information, education, and instill a sense of belonging to Indonesia for the Papuan people. By doing so, acts of propaganda and separatism by the Free Papua Movement can be overcome, and the integrity of the nation can be maintained.

Public trust in science was tested and relied on during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, which has shaped global events since the WHO declaration in March 11, 2020. Public trust has been impacted through the government recommendations and mandates informed by public health guidance, including non-pharmaceutical and pharmaceutical interventions. The free-flow of ideas and in-formation so essential to the functioning of science has faced unprecedented challenge from widespread censorship in both the media and in scientific journals. This has created a poisoned environment for the building of trust between science and society. Scientific norms and ac-countability must be restored in order to rebuild the vital relationship between scientists and the public they serve.

Aim: Shockwaves have been felt all over the world as a result of war, inflation, food shortages, and the COVID-19 pandemic's long tail. The aim of the study is to correlate present global conflicts, pandemic and socio-economic crises with present healthcare sustainability, identifying possible threats and visualize future global health crises if all these catastrophes persist for long. Materials and Methods: PubMed, ALTAVISTA, Embase, Scopus, Web of Science, and the Cochrane Central Registers were prioritized to collect public health issues. Results: The global economic slowdown, sharp decline in financial asset values, decline in imports and exports, contraction of industrial production, rise in inflation, decrease in wages, rise in unemployment, damage to the social security caused by numerous natural calamities, human displacement due to pandemic and ongoing conflicts tear down not only the economic sector but also the health sector. It is already late for taking corrective measure by the participation every country, community or intelligence. Only healthcare issues, highlighted in this study, if focused in the highest platforms, could compel global leaders to forego conflicts and work together. Conclusion: The global health sector will be collapsed soon, if proper initiatives are not taken right now, which has already been grossly mistreated by the pandemic.

This paper presents the results of a study aimed at understanding how technology maturity level influences the incidence of university technology transfer to the private sector. The study examined the topic from the perspective of private sector organizations. It used data from a random sample of patent applications filed with the United States Patent and Trademark Office and a theoretically guided sampling of multiple cases of private sector organizations that contemplated obtaining and assimilating technologies created at universities in the United States. The patent application data were analyzed using nonparametric statistical techniques and the case data were analyzed using qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). The findings of the study suggest that the typical maturity level of technologies created at U.S. universities is a TRL-5 or lower on as scale adapted from the NASA technology readiness level (TRL) scale. A technology maturity level of TRL-6 or higher is likely an insufficient but necessary part of at least one unnecessary but sufficient configuration of conditions that tends to result in the occurrence of university technology transfer. However, under certain circumstances, a technology maturity level of at least TRL-6 could be a sufficient but unnecessary condition for the occurrence of university technology transfer. These findings have several important implications. First, they provide support for the notion that university technology transfer is subject to causal complexity. Moreover, it may be possible to increase the incidence of university technology transfer in the United States by implementing public policy and practices that explicitly take technology maturity level into consideration.

The underlying assumption of the discourse about technology transfer is that government intervention is legitimate. Little scholarship has examined whether this assumption is valid or not and on what basis. Legitimacy is an important construct in the context of public policy. Government intervention can only be sustained if the public views such action as legitimate. The creation and transfer of technologies to the private sector is an area where there is significant government intervention. This paper reconceptualizes political legitimacy in the context of technology transfer policy. The analysis illuminates several concerns and challenges regarding the traditional approach to understanding whether specific government interventions in technology transfer are legitimate. It subsequently applies social constructionism and the notion of morality tales to describe an alternative conceptualization of political legitimacy that integrates aspects of other frameworks. In doing so, it reimagines political legitimacy as less of an unattainable normative principle of limited practical value to policymakers and more of a descriptively understood social phenomenon that policymakers can apply while formulating not only technology transfer policy, but other kinds of public policy as well. The paper demonstrates that there is a broader basis for claims of political legitimacy for government intervention in technology transfer, there is likely a more expansive range of technology transfer problems with which the government can rightly concern itself as well as possible solutions that policymakers can justifiably consider for addressing those problems, and that the political consequences of potential overreach in technology transfer policy are likely minimal.

This paper presents an alternative conceptualization and definition of technology in the context of university technology transfer. The ambiguity regarding the conceptualization of technology is apparent in the technology transfer literature. An expanded conceptualization of technology potentially opens new approaches to researching the topic of technology transfer. It may also cause policymakers to think more comprehensively about what it means to successfully transfer technologies derived from federally funded research to the private sector for use that benefits the public interest. This paper integrates constructs and ideas in the related literature to provide a new perspective of technology that can support future scholarly research and public policy formulation about technology transfer in general, and university technology transfer specifically. Although the paper focuses on university technology transfer to the private sector in the United States, the insights it presents are relevant to technology transfer more broadly and applicable in other geopolitical contexts.

There is evidence of constitutional rank in Chile, and not only a sectoral rank, to estimate that the regulation of digital media is in an initial and insufficient phase to properly protect information pluralism as political pluralism. The study aims to investigate the forms of concentration, such as the communicational flow of digital media, to determine the opportunities and information defects of these media due to regulatory deficiencies in this sector. Data collection will be carried out through a qualitative and quantitative methodology. The prospect of the imminent constituent process in Chile provides the opportunity to the evaluate the possibilities to propose changes not only at the legislative level but also at the constitutional level, which are likely to benefit freedom of expression with greater guarantees to such as the pluralism of digital media. The latter also means assessing the relevance of enshrining the right to communication in the future.

This study presents a detailed assessment on the impact of the Brazilian legal framework related to the access and benefit sharing provisions of the UN Convention on Biological Diversity. The research is based on a comprehensive dataset that was systematically collected over several years, directly from the official government bodies responsible for its implementation. The aim of the study is to contribute to a fact-based discussion on the effectiveness of national ABS laws, focusing on the Brazilian legal framework, first established in the year 2000 and revised in 2015, as a case example. This study balances the costs and benefits of the Brazilian ABS system and assesses the regulatory challenges it poses to individuals, companies, and institutions that perform research, share knowledge, develop, manufacture or market products derived from Brazilian biodiversity. The study indicates that, after over 22 years of operation, the regulatory challenges are still real and relevant, and that the significant volume of data collected from users on access, prior commercialization and shipment of genetic materials abroad was never systematically assessed by the agencies in charge. Besides, it shows that the costs incurred by the government in managing the policy itself have been higher than the economic benefits it has made possible, and that the institutional mechanisms in place since 2015 have not been able to allocate the monetary benefits contributed by users to the National Benefit Sharing Fund to any projects aimed at developing sustainable uses or preserving Brazilian biodiversity.

E-petitioning is a useful object of study for observing the potential emergence of a new relationship to politics and new forms of political participation. Access to a dataset of hundreds of thousands of users of an electronic petitioning platform, provides the opportunity to overcome a certain number of limitations that are associated with traditional methods of studying political participation, since it allows us to focus on the reality of the signatories’ behaviour rather than on their declarations. We follow the traces left by the petitioners on this site to better understand the process of dissemination of an online petition, and its linked with offline activities. Our examination of the three most signed petitions in the ‘environment’ category, combining an analysis of their petitioning dynamics and an analysis of the comments attached to them, allows us to show: firstly, that there is an interwoven relationship between the local anchoring of the mobilisation and the processes of dissemination by which petitions extend from local signatories to signatories who are geographically more distant; and secondly, that it is not accurate to imagine that just anyone can sign any petition, since petitioning dynamics proceed from one person to the next, whether these dynamics start from a pre-existing local anchorage on the ground, or act through a platform effect which is dependent on the attractiveness of the petition in question.

A large number of studies have concluded that since housing pressure will affect the mobility of highly skilled young migrants (HSYM) in Chinese cities and regions, it is necessary to apply corresponding housing policies to adjust housing unaffordability for HYSM. This study uses a survey data conducted in China's Zhejiang Province of China, where specific policies have been implemented to attract talent and found that housing does crowds out the HSYM from a city, but the HSYM who have a master's degree or above or who work in government organizations or state-owned enterprises are more tolerant of housing unaffordability. The unmarried or those staying in the city for a long period are less tolerant of housing unaffordability. Meanwhile, there are the heterogeneous impacts of factors on the HSYM's tolerance for housing unaffordability across cities of different levels. Therefore, housing policies should highlight urban differences and intra-group differences.

This paper explores ballot split by type and introduces universal measures of democratic power flow and accountable local representation. These measures allow definitive comparison of electoral systems between countries, and choice of a new electoral system within a country based on existing data and with minimum assumptions.

This review article aims at improving understanding of the theoretical discussion on technonationalism. Reviewing conventional works of the literature proposes protectionist, innovationist, and strategic industrial approaches toward high-tech industries. The findings show that technonationalism is a concept linking technology and national security, seeking geoeconomic interests in the integrated global market to exert state power for economic statecraft. The nature of industry highly relies on the global value chain, and technological innovation in the high-tech sectors occurs mainly in the private sector; thus, this article points out the issue of embracing business interests into the state’s strategic addenda as a critical criterion of technonationalism. Also, technonationalism is a narrowly defined concept with state actors involved in national security affairs and high-tech business actors.

This article investigates the dynamics of socio-ecological systems (SESs) unsustainability. By adopting a theoretical standpoint grounded in systems’ theory, the analysis shows how SESs’ teleology (or final cause) is of the utmost relevance for understanding unsustainability and how it is pivotal for envisioning possible evolutionary trajectories towards sustainability. Building on the contributions of both system and social scientists, the study argues that SES’s teleology is determined by dominant social ontologies that require a dialectical lens to be properly dealt with. The article therefore proposes the adoption of the adaptive cycle heuristic complemented by an historical-geographical approach based on world-ecology theory as a means to dynamically model of SESs’ behaviour. Such a perspective allows for the direct comparison between the four stages of the panarchy cycle (reorganization, exploitation, conservation, and release) and the four stages theorized by the world-ecology dialectics (expansion, appropriation, capitalization, crisis). In conclusion, the article claims that both system and social scientists would benefit from including in their analysis concepts and definitions from the other field, since both provide valuable insights about SESs' processes of change and both are necessary to envision transition pathways towards sustainability.

Biological events—including outbreaks and pandemics, biological weapons use, or accidental laboratory release—have the potential to be extremely disruptive. The ability to accurately investigate, identify origins of, and attribute these events is critical for deterring deliberate events and implementing interventions to prevent future natural or accidental events. However, historical examples of biological event attribution and origins investigations illustrate significant gaps in processes, from technical capabilities to communications, and have lacked conclusive consensus among decision makers, the public, and scientists. This study aimed to assess attitudes and expectations of a broad range of stakeholders regarding investigations and evidence generated for biological attribution. We interviewed 41 experts in disciplines related to attribution and investigations and analyzed interview content using a mixed-methods approach. Interviews generated a list of factors to consider when planning or conducting investigations, presented here. Opinions concerning the conduct and reporting of biological samples analyses and perceptions of feasibility of attribution varied among interviewees representing different fields of study. Participant opinions varied less in regard to requirements, protocols, and guidelines thought to be important to maintain confidence and trust in an investigation and evidence. Findings from this study can inform planning for future events.

This article presents the results of reviewing the predictive capacity of Google trends for national elections in Chile. The electoral results of the elections between Michelle Bachelet and Sebastián Piñera in 2006, Sebastián Piñera and Eduardo Frei in 2010, Michelle Bachelet and Evelyn Matthei in 2013, Sebastián Piñera and Alejandro Guillier in 2017, and Gabriel Boric and José Antonio Kast in 2021 were reviewed. The time series analysed were organised on the basis of relative searches between the candidacies, assisted by R software, mainly with the gtrendsR and forecast libraries. With the series constructed, forecasts were made using the ARIMA technique to check the weight of one presidential option over the other. The ARIMA analyses were performed on 3 ways of organising the data: the linear series, the series transformed by moving average and the series transformed by Hodrick-Prescott. The result indicates that the method offers optimal pre-dictive ability.

The Portuguese health system has a universal, public, general National Health Service (NHS), tending towards free healthcare access. Created in 1979, this delivery model developed from the integration and complementarity between the different response levels (primary, hospital, continuing, and palliative care). However, over these 40 years, the initially centralized system underwent a decentralization process with the creation of Regional Health Administrations in the five mainland administrative regions. Since then, the entire NHS has settled around this new organization. The most recent step started in 2018 with decentralizing primary health care skills to 190 municipalities. This paper presents the various critical issues involved in the latest gradual decentralization process in health, intending to bring services closer to the citizens, and more focused on their needs. The article identifies and discusses the implications of this experience based on the steps foreseen in the already published legal texts.

To contain and mitigate the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, African governments have implemented non-pharmacological interventions (NPIs), such as imposing travel bans, confining people to their homes and closing schools, shops and workplaces. These NPIs are likely to be less effective in circumstances where people need to leave their homes to work, collect food, water and cooking fuel or where people cannot maintain distancing due to overcrowded living environments. Using data from the nationally representative South African General Household Survey 2019, we examined individuals’ vulnerability to the risk of COVID-19 infection due to their health, socioeconomic and living circumstances. We explored socioeconomic-related inequalities in COVID-19 using concentration curve and concentration index methods. Our results showed that vulnerability to COVID-19 was disproportionately concentrated among those with low socioeconomic status. Using the Recentered Influence Function decomposition approach, we found that higher income and education had a significant and positive impact on reducing socioeconomic-related COVID-19 vulnerability. Conversely, people with lower socioeconomic status were more likely to live in circumstances that made compliance with NPI requirements almost impossible, and they were also more likely to have pre-existing health conditions that made them more vulnerable to COVID-19.

This article aims to create the nexus between sustainable development and the quality of the political regime. The current social and political context is characterized by a series of crises generated by COVID-19 pandemic, economic imbalances and regional conflicts. In this context, sustainable development is affected by the economic dynamics and the “democratic recession”. The study aims to respond to the following research questions: “how could influence the quality of the democracy the dynamics of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs 17)?” and “what are the premises for sustainable development in the new political context, characterized by democratic recession?” The purpose of the study is to underline the fact that democratic regimes are inclined to create both participative and deliberative frames for achieving the SDGs in accordance with UN 2030 Agenda. The research methodology used in this study is based on descriptive and inferential statistics. The research data are collected from secondary sources in the years between 2015 and 2021, from 193 countries covering all the geographical areas. The empirical results suggest two models of development: the Asian model of sustainable development characterized by economic growth and the Western democratic model based on democratic institutions, fair justice and mechanisms for preserving peace. We noticed that the key-variables for explaining the dynamics of sustainability in correlation with democratic index are represented by the functioning of the governments and the political participation. Through civic engagement and political ac-countability, democracy could be seen as a pre-requisite for achieving an optimal level of the SDGs. All these empirical results could prove valuable for the scholars interested in the relation between democracy and sustainability and for the political decision makers involved in shaping strategies for social, economic and environmental development.

Following the 2001 end to negotiations on a legally binding protocol, Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC) states parties (SPs) developed entrenched positions about the necessity of a verification regime, hindering progress on treaty aims. This study aimed to facilitate dialogue on verification-related issues outside the context of those positions, using the term "assurance" to represent the degree of certainty that SPs are meeting their treaty obligations. From August 2020-July 2021, 36 interviews were conducted—16 SPs' delegations and 20 subject matter experts, representing 20 countries—and interview content was analyzed utilizing a mixed methods approach, including quantitative metrics on qualitative interview content. Interviewees' views on verification, compliance, and related concepts varied widely. Efforts by SPs to achieve common understanding on these topics could facilitate concrete progress in these important areas. While no single mechanism is sufficient to achieve verification or assess compliance, packages of mechanisms could increase assurance. There was general support for implementing assurance mechanisms, even in the absence of a comprehensive, legally binding protocol or verification regime, even among SPs for which that is the primary goal. Avenues to increase assurance among BWC stakeholders merit further discussion in the Intersessional Programme following the 9^th BWC Review Conference.

The corona (COVID-19) pandemic offers an opportunity for dealing with persistent problems, through a transformative recovery process. It is a crisis that offers opportunities for dealing with three interrelated crises: the ecological crisis (climate change, loss of biodiversity, resource depletion, pollution and ecosystem destruction), the confidence crisis (people losing trust in government, politics, companies, regular news channels, science, each other and the future), and the inequality crisis (the widening of the gap between rich and poor). Our argument is that sustainability transitions will not succeed without a different economy and another social contract with the associated rights and duties of care (for the environment and the well-being of others, including future generations). A different social contract is not only desirable from the point of view of sustainability and fairness, justice and equality, but is also necessary to restore citizens' trust in politics, government, companies and each other. In the paper we discuss mechanisms towards a Natural Social Contract, systemic leverage points for system transformations and possibilities for co-evolutionary governance by actor coalitions interested in transformative change. The combination of those three elements helps to synchronize different agendas and reduce the chance that they will work against each other.

Conventional academic debate on sustainability and transformation has begun to be disputed by researchers, policymakers and other stakeholders from the private sector. The complexity of linking sustainability with transformation necessitates the development of new ways of understanding and explaining actors, processes, issues, structures, and outcomes related to transformation to sustainability (T2S). A persistent problem in understanding and managing the T2S is the implied notion of a monolithic transformation to achieve sustainability. This notion underestimates the diversity of actors as well as the historical contexts of transformations. At the same time, achieving T2S is highly dependent on technical solutions as well as policies that can stir needed behavioural change, whereas these technical solutions and policies are not always socially acceptable or politically implementable. Therefore, achieving T2S also calls for evaluating normative foundations of policies and actions needed to advance T2S. This article argues that T2S is composed of different phases, each of which having a different set of actors, resources and audience. This article explains how collective decision can be achieved through multiple levels and types of negotiations that occur in an orchestrated manner. To understand this, this article introduces a theoretical model as an analytical framework to structure how T2S unfolds. This model uses insights from negotiation studies to focus on the actors’ perspectives on T2S. It proposes the division of the transformation process into phases – entry point, learning, sequencing, disrupting and fortifying. Using the Germany’s energy transition (Energiewende), each of these phases is analysed to determine the “quality” of cooperation that can help fulfil the tasks required to master the so-called “cognitive games” of T2S (ripeness game, power game, bargaining game, policy game, scaling game). Moreover, insights are presented to explain how the designated milestone can be achieved that indicates the advancing to the next phase and eventually entrench the transformation process. The lessons and findings resulting from the analysis of the phases of T2S suggest that there is also the need to revisit underlying assumptions on negotiations, sustainability and transformation.

This paper aims to present the basic assumptions for creation of social Fröhlich condensate and attract attention of other researchers (both from physics and socio-political science) to the problem of modelling of stability and order preservation in highly energetic society coupled with social energy bath of high temperature. The model of social Fröhlich condensation and its analysis are based on the mathematical formalism of quantum thermodynamics and field theory (applied outside of physics). The presented quantum-like model provides the consistent operational model of such complex socio-political phenomenon as Fröhlich condensation. The model of social Fröhlich condensation is heavily based on theory of open quantum systems. Its consistent elaboration needs additional efforts. Evidence of such phenomenon as social Fröhlich condensation is demonstrated by stability of modern informationally open societies Approaching the state of Fröhlich condensation is the powerful source of social stability. Understanding its informational structure and origin may help to stabilize the modern society. Application of the quantum-like model of Frhlich condensation in social and political sciences is really the novel and original approach to mathematical modeling of social stability in society exposed to powerful information radiation from mass-media and internet based sources.

The latest IPCC report forcefully states that immediate, decisive, and large-scale actions are needed to avert climate catastrophe. This essay presumes that democratic governments are best and most desirably positioned to take these actions. Yet in the countries most pivotal to global climate, significant voting blocs are uninterested in environmental issues. The essay urges adding bottom-up dialog between environmental and anti-environmental voters, to current and future top-down technocratic “solutions.” To make this combination result in a unified pro-environment electorate, we must understand: religious objections to environmentalism; the capital-vs.-knowledge strife that slows polluting corporations’ green transitions; and the psychological mechanisms that can make inter-group dialog fruitful.

Holistic information integrity for managing wicked problems, developing equity is getting attention. Artifitial intelligence based topologies, dual sensor-information nodes, are prototyped to offer more availability, reliability, maintainability for operating healthy urbanism. Bipartite spider-webs, cube-connected cycles are aimed in ‘the radial-ring urban-building skeleton’ and ‘wetlands and sparsely populated areas’, respectively. Furthermore, honeycomb tori, mathematical HT(m), m≥2, for tasks related to wireless communications, are found having two mutually independent Hamiltonian paths (MIHP). This parallelism creates dual cipher-coding, supports logistic privacy, and help prevent information loss, electromagnetic interference, unexpected changes caused by such as clogged water.

This paper analyses the EU’s policies for energy and climate, using Börzel's (2002) theoretical framework on Europeanisation, and examines member states’ Green Deal responses, strategies, and compliance. As expressed in their final NECPs, although member states’ responses vary, most of the critical components were partially addressed, while the others were largely addressed. We observe a considerable variation in Member State’s strategies. Member States classified as foot-dragging beforehand are fence-sitting now, while those previously categorised as fence-sitting are now either foot-dragging or pace-setting. The root cause of these classification changes for the member states within the EU can be traced back to their internal environments in which the involved stakeholders each have a different response pace regarding environment, climate, and energy. We present and analyse our theoretical context, discuss the EU’s energy policies and the NECPs, examine member states’ responses and compliance with this new framework, and propose several challenges.

This article analyses the environmental impact of the measures imposed during the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. We compare the evolution of atmospheric pollution levels in recent years and during lockdown, and assess the effects of the decrease in mobility and changes in patterns and lifestyles during the latter period. Thus, the reduction in the risk to human health brought about by the improvement of air quality during the months of confinement through the use of dose-response functions is estimated. The focus of the case study is the island of Tenerife. The island of Tenerife has been selected because it can serve as an example for other sites in Europe. We distinguish between the three areas with the highest population concentrations: the Metropolitan, Southern, and Northern areas. The impacts of air pollution and its relationship with changes in consumption and activity patterns are clearly distinguishable. Therefore, the lessons learned can be easily extrapolated to other areas, in both island and mainland contexts.

The aim of the study is to characterize the U.S. and Lithuanian defense cooperation from 1990–2020 including arms procurements. Findings suggest close defense cooperation between countries at Presidential, Congressional, and Defense Ministry/Secretary levels. The most developed cooperation areas are joint participation in international operations, improvements of the Lithuanian Armed Forces’ capabilities, and an increase of the U.S. military presence in the Baltic region. An analysis of Lithuanian defense procurements between 1990–2020 indicates that the majority of defense armaments were acquired from the U.S. using the Foreign Military Sales venue while other options to obtain armaments were not used.

The emergence of existing and novel vector-borne disease pathogens is highly unpredictable because there are so many possible causal factors of sociological, ecological, biological, behavioral and political origin. Traditional data-driven forecasting tools have limited use in circumstances featuring low-probability crises for which trend data is unreliable and non-predictive. Commercial and security sectors have been quick to adopt various forms of wargames to address this gap and provide intelligent insights on possible outcomes in the short, mid and long term future. The lack of commitment and action against vector-borne diseases by governments and local authorities requires a new approach that presents risk in terms of potential actions, possible outcomes and resulting consequences.

When we talk about the Defence Industry (DI), arms transfers, and military expenditures we mostly refer to data accumulated by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). In the SIPRI Top 20 list of largest exporters of major arms for 2019, small states hold consecutive positions: Israel takes 8th place, Switzerland is 13th, and Sweden, Norway, and Belarus place 15th, 17th, and 20th respectively. The author analyses the Swiss DI case due to several reasons; its place in SIPRI Top, its sharp rise of Swiss arms exports in the recent year, its Swiss neutrality strategy, the country’s multilingual society, and its all-government approach to the arms industry, though still contributing to the limited scholarly studies on contemporary Swiss DI. This paper aims to explore Swiss DI and its strategies, to identify the country’s defence and security policy influence towards DI, and to discuss the Swiss DI stance and future perspectives in the context of the global arms trade. At the same time, this paper also highlights Swiss DI successes and failures that could be of significant use to other small states aiming to develop or enhance their relevant DIs.

Blockchain technology can achieve decentralization, multi-party verification, anti-tampering, anonymity, traceability of transactions, and the application of distributed ledger. Countries around the world continue to seek the blockchain business models, technologies and applications, and have different visions and policies for the development of blockchain. This study conducts a comparative policy framework of theoretical analysis of the blockchain technology between the USA and China. Using the innovative policy tools proposed by Rothwell and Zegveld, the above mentioned governments are analyzed from the viewpoint of twelve policy tools. The results show that the USA and China all prefer to use “Environmental-side” policy. The USA has paid more attention to “Legal and regulatory”, “Public services” and “Procurement”. China has the highest proportion of policies in “Political tools”, followed by “Legal & regulatory”, while “Scientific and technical”, “Education” and “Overseas agent” come in third . The blockchain technology has developed vigorously among industries and its applications have gradually diversified. The results are provided to various stakeholders as a reference for policy planning.

Recently, with the rapid advancement of the 4th Industrial Revolution, there has been a continuous outlook that Data (D), Network (N), and Artificial Intelligence (A) should be heavily utilized as resources in light of new value. South Korea is preparing policy training plans the likes of 5G network enhancement, AI manpower training, and data openings, etc., recognizing DNA technology as the key driving force behind the 4th Industrial Revolution and 5G network enhancement, AI manpower training, and data opening, etc. However, there is a criticism that the DNA industry remains in an early stage. Despite policy support within South Korea, the DNA industry has not been revitalized due to various causes, and in particular, not being concentrated on limited resources selectively is also pointed to as an important cause. this study would quantitatively draw the priority of policy measures as well as propose policy implications for the revitalization of the DNA industry by means of the ISM-ANP model. It is judged that South Korea’s experience in this way will be an important lesson for other countries which would politically promote the DNA industry as a new growth engine within the 4th Industrial Revolution environment.

Climate change-induced events amplify existing social, political, economic, infrastructural and environmental concerns in many Global South cities, and perhaps no city is more vulnerable than Bangladesh’s capital of Dhaka. Climate-induced rural-urban migration is a profound concern, and Dhaka’s political leaders have embraced technology-based innovation as a solution pathway. This article explores the societal impact of Dhaka’s innovation environment strategies for climate change adaptation and mitigation. Employing a case study qualitative methodology, our three findings expand knowledge about innovation-urban climate mitigation as understood by Dhaka-based entrepreneurs: First, the most effective innovations were not the most technologically advanced, but those with the highest degree of participant ownership. Second, gaps between recipient, corporate and governmental understandings of effective mitigation and adaptation harmed projects, and were driven by different definitions of risk and competing understandings of vulnerability. Third, even the most technical climate adaptation measures were inherently political in their application. We discuss how to better position urban climate innovation infrastructures in Bangladesh and beyond, including developing a better recognition of innovation lifecycles for urban climate adaptation and widening our definitions of ‘innovation’ to better incorporate more effective and inclusive climate adaptation solutions.

Occasionally, officials of the world’s regulatory agencies embark upon attempts at bringing previously unregulated physical systems under regulation by them. Each such attempt raises an epistemological issue. At issue is whether enough information about the outcomes of the events of the future, given the outcomes of the events of the present, will be in the hands of a would-be regulator for this regulator to regulate effectually. If present, this information is provided by runs of a model of the physical system that is slated for regulation. Ideally, this model makes an argument that draws its conclusion from the evidence presented to it. If so, this argument is of the form of a predictive inference. However, the process by which an argument draws its conclusion from the evidence may go awry. This happens, for example, when the axiom of probability theory called unit measure is falsified by a conclusion that is drawn from the evidence by this argument.A method is derived from first principles for determination of whether unit measure is satisfied or falsified by an argument made by a model, given that this argument may attach unusual meanings to statistical terms. This method is used in a study of whether unit measure is satisfied or falsified by the arguments that are made by a pair of models. Both models are in active use by regulatory agencies around the world. Under neither argument do runs of the model provide an official of a regulatory agency with the information gain aka mutual information that he or she would need to regulate effectually. Under both arguments, attachment of unusual meanings to statistical terms creates the illusion that such an official can and does regulate effectually.

Women serve in diverse roles in the 21st century militaries of the world. They are no longer banned exclusively from combat. The presence of women on the battlefield has raised religious arguments and considerations. What role do religious arguments play in the discussion regarding women’s military service? The current paper examines this question in the context of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF): a conscription-based military that conscripts both men and women, religious and secular, for both combat and non-combat postings. Using the case of the pilot program in the IDF attempting to integrate women in the Israeli tank corps, the paper argues that religious considerations serve the same purpose as functional considerations and can be amplified or lessened, as needed.

The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela were two of the world's most iconic civil (political) (human) rights advocates and leaders of all time. Both advocated for, and to varying degrees, applied elements of peaceful protests to the achievement of their goals. Both spent time in jail, often concurrently, but eventually forced their respective countries to extend the same rights that white populations had denied Africans and African Americans. For the US, civil rights, voting rights, right to education, housing and housing loans suggested that equality had been achieved, capped in South Africa by the election of Nelson Mandela as the first majority-rule president, and in the US, by Barack Obama’s election to the presidency. Yet the historical over-policing, police mistreatment and more generally, the judicial system’s inordinate ‘targeting’ of African Americans, with egregious cases running from Emmett Till to Rodney King to Walter Scott to Breonna Taylor to George Floyd to Rayshard Brooks and thousands of others shows the danger of such magical thinking. The now-persistent global wave pursuing human rights, civil rights and the right to be treated equally, primarily driven by the loosely-organized Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, has become the leading voice in pursuit of equality. Riots such as those in LA, protests in Ferguson and everywhere in summer 2020 has ushered new civil rights campaign. In the US and elsewhere, it has morphed to include historical issues such as monuments to colonialism, the US civil war, slavery and slave owners and traders, institutions, companies and people whose wealth and existence has links to slavery. Instructively, the protests persisted even as COVID-19, the hundred-year plague, continues to ravage the world. Lost in the moment is the absence of central leadership and leaders such as MLK or Mandela. Their charisma and effectiveness has been lacking for 50 years. This paper evaluates whether this has led to inconsistent civil and human rights pursuit for equality, or whether perchance, Mandela and MLK were extraordinary, once-in-a-lifetime transformative leaders uniquely selected by history for their time.

The paper examines the impact of INGOs on the democratization of developing countries. Following the ‘end of history,’ the INGOs multiplied globally, and the number of aids to developing countries was given through them in billions of dollars in the past three decades. It is envisaged that with the increase in their population, the developing countries will be better off with a standard form of living that is attributable to standard democratization. However, despite the billions of dollars spent, the citizens of the developing countries are still worse in poverty, poor leadership, and corruption. On the contrary, some countries, including Nigeria, are threatening legislation that will curtail the INGOs, sighting their opacity and lack of tangible results as reasons. The research used Nigeria as a case study to analyze the methods, approaches, and the capacity of these INGOs and how they affect the democratization of their host countries. Through a review of existing records, non-participatory observations, and reviews of conference proceedings. The paper analyzed the parallel gaps that exist by arguing that, taking a broad, multi-disciplinary method from the various works of literature studied will provide essential conceptual and practical insights that can inform current debates.

The evaluation was conducted to find out whether the stipulated objectives of the policy are being followed, and at the same time find out whether the envisioned results of implementing such policy system have been achieved so far. The evaluation was expected to provide an opportunity for mending shortfalls of the whole system that would affect its sustainability and usefulness.A total of 33 participants were interviewed in this study and came from the study area (Nkhotakota District Council Office). Purposive sampling was used to select the participants. All study respondents were purposively selected where respondents considered having relevant information and they were interviewed to obtain wide range of perspectives.Seven themes were identified; knowledge on policy, limited stakeholder involvement, poor HIV and AIDS programming, ethical issues, future perspective of the policy, Other Recurrent Transaction (ORT) allocation, and availability of HIV and AIDS Committee. On knowledge on policy, the sub-themes included; objectives well outlined, and poor updates on the policy. On limited stakeholder involvement, the sub-themes were; lack of ownership, ignorance of involvement, and not involved/limited involvement. On the Poor HIV and AIDS programming theme, sub-themes identified were; exclusion of activities in the District Implementation Plan (DIP) and lack of funds. There was one sub-theme on ethical issues and future perspective.We found that the Nkhotakota District Council HIV and AIDS at workplace policy is not functioning properly due to poor coordination and lack of funding. However, there are some positives identified such as existence of the coordinating committee and allocation of funds through ORT. Although the system has been functional for some years in well-established structures, lack of participation by some stakeholders, non-inclusion of HIV and AIDS activities in the DIPs underpin its sustainability

The Forest Stewardship Council initiated a pilot Forest Certification for Ecosystem Services (ForCES) project from 2011 to 2017 to improve and promote sustainable forest management addressing a range of ecosystem services. Three sites in Indonesia were studied in the pilot. Whilst the development of the certification standard was largely by a partnership between the certification standard organization, civil society and research organisations, implementation and monitoring of the impact of this voluntary sustainability standard will entail interaction with state regulations. This study sought to understand how certification and state regulations concerning ecosystem services in Indonesia interplay, particularly in the agenda setting and negotiation stage. Using the conceptual lenses of transition theory and state and non-state market-based governance, the interrelationships between ecosystem services certification and regulations were found to be both complementary, supporting and antagonistic. The majority were complementary. Antagonism occurred where regulations do not accommodate land use issues and due to different contradictory state regulations. The voluntary instruments were developed largely in the absence of state involvement and without any substitution with regulatory standards. Given the increasing proliferation of voluntary market-driven initiatives at farm, forest concession and landscape level, stakeholders developing and managing voluntary standards need to collaborate with national and local governments to create synergy to enable their acceptance, adoption and effectiveness to positively enhance the conservation of ecosystem services through incentivizing market-based instruments.

The present study explained factors influencing citizen satisfaction service in the Investment and One-Stop Service Agency of Tanah Bumbu Regency. In particular, this research analyses the level of citizen satisfaction and the extent to which Awareness, Rules, Organizational, Income, Skill-Ability, and Service Facility Factor influence Citizen Satisfaction. This study uses a mixed methodology with a sequential explanatory strategy. Using the incidental sampling with Slovin's Formula to calculate the number of samples is 93 respondents. The quantitative data were analyzed by the SmartPLS 3.0 program. The findings showed that the level of citizen satisfaction is included in the category "Satisfied". Furthermore, the variable of Citizen Satisfaction is influenced by variables of Awareness, Rules, Organizational, Income, Skill-Ability dan Service Facility Factor for 70,5%. Whereas Awareness, Rules, Organizational, and Skill-Ability Factor has a significant influence on Citizen Satisfaction. Besides, Income and Service Facility Factor do not have a significant influence on Citizen Satisfaction.

The Sustainable Development Goals, while complex at first sight, express a simple narrative about the relationships between people and nature. This paper illustrates this in the context of a coral reef land or seascape supporting coastal people. Coral reefs, their health described by measures of coral and fish diversity and abundance, provide key services and benefits to people. These services directly support 10s of millions of jobs in multiple economic sectors in coastal and distant states, protect and harbor communities and cities across tropical coastlines, sustain use of living and non-living resources, provide transport infrastructure and valuable natural products, and in future may provide energy solutions. Through these multiple benefits, coral reefs contribute to reducing hunger and poverty, thus improving health, and potentially strengthening gender and social equality. However, access and use result in pressures that may drive decline in coral reef health. Broader land and seascape factors also affect reef health and therefore delivery of benefits, including land-use change and altered freshwater flows, as well as climate change. Managing this complex system requires appropriate awareness and knowledge, governance mechanisms and investments by stakeholders. This ‘SDG narrative’ can be used from local to global levels, motivating actions and policy at and across these scales to sustain ecosystem function and use, for the oceans what is also increasingly called a blue economy.

This paper analyzes the theoretical and pragmatic implications, for international relations and world politics, of the new holistic approach to climate change articulated by Pope Francis in the Encyclical Laudato si’, particularly through the notion “integral ecology”. Far for being just a new chapter in the unfolding process of the “greening” of religions, the document raises in radical terms the issue of the sustainability of the present world system. I contend that the perspective of the Encyclical calls for a radical transformation of international relations, since it puts emphasis on the deep implications of environmental issues on the entire spectrum of security, development, economic and ethical challenges of contemporary world politics. Against this backdrop, I connect the main tenets of the Encyclical to the environmental turn in International Relations Theory and to the new epistemological challenges related to paradigm shift induced by the new planetary condition of the Anthropocene and the questions arising for a justice encompassing the humanity-earth system. Practicing sustainable international relations means exiting the logic of power or hegemony, operationalizing the concept of care.

Results-Based Funding (RBF) for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) has become an important instrument for channeling financial resources to forest conservation activities. At the same time, much literature on conservation funding is ambiguous about the effectiveness of existing RBF schemes. Many effectiveness evaluations follow a simplified version of the principal-agent model, although in practice the relation between aid providers and funding recipients is much more complex. As a consequence, intermediary steps of conservation funding are often not accounted for effectiveness studies. This research paper aims to provide a nuanced understanding of conservation funding by analyzing the allocation of financial resources for one of the largest RBF schemes for REDD+ in the world: the Brazilian Amazon Fund. As part of this analysis, this study has built a dataset of information on Amazon Fund projects at unprecedented detail in order to accurately reconstruct the allocation of financial resources across different stakeholders (i.e. governments, NGOs, research institutions), geographies and activities. The results show that stakeholders seem to hold preferences with respect to the type of activities that they support, thereby suggesting that project owners exert much influence on how deforestation reduction is to be attained. There are evidences that governmental organizations lack financial additionality of their projects, which renders the growing share of funding to this type of stakeholder particularly worrisome. By contrast, the geographical distribution of financial resources seemed to follow a more focused rationale as financial support tends to concentrate in areas where deforestation threats are highest. Overall, the allocation of the financial resources from the Amazon Fund reflects an arbitrary support of different projects that adopt very diverging theories of change that are not primarily concerned with attaining further deforestation reductions. As projects owners exert influence on funding effectiveness to some extent, the Amazon Fund may either seek to regulate the allocation of financial resources more actively or adopt funding effectiveness evaluations that account for this influence more comprehensively.

What drives an individual police officer to activate his body-worn camera (BWC)? Some evidence suggests officer attitudes and resistance to the technology contributes to the equivocal results in studies testing for BWCs effect on use-of-force, complaints, and other outcomes of interest. Leveraging a novel survey and administrative dataset, we investigate the predictors of BWC activation among 147 police officers in a single agency. With a test of three nested models, we find job function covariates offer robust predictive power of how often an officer activates her or his BWC. Neither demographic nor attitudinal measures significantly predict BWC activations, except for a negative relationship with how officers perceive BWC impacts on professional discretion. The study furnishes empirical support for understanding officers as Principled Agents: job function, guided by administrative policy is the most explanatory and parsimonious, while models of attitudes and demographics fail to improve upon the job function model.

The present study was conducted with the aim of analyzing the impact of social networks on political socialization and political participation of political science students of the Islamic Azad University of Tehran, Tehran south branch during 2007-2017. This article is a descriptive-survey research based on the theory of planned behavior and has been done based on random sampling with a population of 280 samples. The findings indicate that 93% of students use social media and spend a significant part of their study hours on social networks, which mainly include Telegram, Instagram, Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp. The variables related to social networks affect the socialization and political participation of students, and the extent of the impact of social networks on encouraging individuals to participate in the election as a component of political socialization is positive and significant. This finding and other findings are a positive and significant impact of social networks on the attitudes, values ​​and norms, attitudes and behaviors of political science students as a sample population, and thus the hypothesis of this research has been confirmed.

Nowadays one of the issues interesting for researchers of political, social, and economic sciences is to investigate immigration from different angles. Accordingly, they use a diverse range of instruments, different types of graphs, descriptive indices and complex mathematical models. Immigration has always been one of the paths helping humans in their own efforts for getting compatible with the environment and coping with difficulties. Nevertheless, if this issue has been considered as an instrument regulating resources and species automatically, in the present era, its negative aspects have been evident and socioeconomic consequences of immigration in the framework of development economy and security has attracted scholars’ attentions. One of the countries attracting for immigrants particularly in the continent of Africa is South Africa. Statistics indicates that this country is the most attractive one for refugees. Somalis are one of the most important and largest groups seeking refuge in South Africa because they are usually merchants who earn money in the poor places. However, business in the poor places endangers their lives and properties because of high rate of crimes and xenophobia. As a result, the target countries face a lot of socioeconomic and security problems. The present study tries to investigate the issue of Somali immigration using network models.

The Social-Ecological Systems (SES) framework serves as a valuable framework to explore and understand social and ecological interactions, and pathways in water governance. Yet, it lacks a robust understanding of change. We argue an analytical and methodological approach to engaging global changes in SES is critical to strengthening the scope and relevance of the SES framework. Relying on SES and resilience thinking, we propose an institutional and cognitive model of change that institutions and natural resources systems co-evolve to provide a dynamic understanding of SES that stands on three causal mechanisms: institutional complexity trap, rigidity trap, and learning processes. We illustrate how Data Cube technology could overcome current limitations and offer reliable avenues to test hypothesis about the dynamics of social-ecological systems and water security by offering to combine spatial and time data with no major technical requirements for users.

The Global Carbon Budget is the cumulative carbon emissions that human activities can generate while limiting the global temperature increase to less than 2°C. On this basis, most countries ratified the Paris Agreement 2015, pledging to reduce national emissions and the impacts of climate change. The European Union has planned to reduce emissions by 80% of their 1990 value by 2050 but such a target needs to be coupled with a further constraint on the cumulative greenhouse gases released along the path to 2050. The aim and the novelty of this study are to propose, for the first time, a carbon budget for the European Union, which represents the most significant physical characteristic to assess the feasibility of current EU-28 greenhouse gas reduction objectives under the goals of the 2015 Paris treaty

To alleviate the contradiction between the increasing demand for water and the shortage of resources and to provide a favorable institutional environment for water rights trading, the Chinese government has strengthened the top-level design of water management system. However, the water-rich regions (southern regions of China) have good water resource endowment and a surplus of total water consumption indicators. Does this mean that there is no incentive and no need to conduct water rights trading in these regions? Through the investigation of water rights circulation cases in the Taihu Basin, a typical water-rich region of China, we established the existence of trading demand and some difficulties in conducting transactions. This paper argues that the needs of trading include alleviating the water gap in regional development, solving the water demand for large new projects, coordinating trans-jurisdiction water disputes. The plight of trading includes the lack of awareness, irregular process, excessive administrative intervention, and imperfect trading system.

This article investigates how the “constructivist turn” in public policy and international political economy informs the interaction of global ideas and local practice in water governance. We use the implementation of ideas associated with Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) in the Lower Mekong river basin. This article provides some explanation of the attitudes in the villages in Cambodia due to the Sesan 2 Dam, which would see the relocation of thousands of people, damage fisheries, and inflict high coping costs on villagers. Based on 24 in-depth interviews with villagers, commune heads and local community leaders, we find diverse narratives which transcend the “pro or anti” dam narrative. We find four narrative types - myths, stories, noise and informed opinion, which relate to each other in degrees of social meaning and ideational force. Of these, the first two are more likely to be useful in terms of mobilization and policy-making. This typology provides a framework for analysis of social change in the studied villages and other context of policy translation. We should state that these four types are not separate from each other but are linked along two axis which together conscribe the four types of narratives outlined.

Cleaning wastewater and using it again for secondary purposes is a measure to address water scarcity in urban areas. However, upscaling of recycled water schemes is challenging due to the possible emergence of various barriers. Based on a review of the governance literature we suggest that a set of five governance conditions is necessary for a successful upscaling of recycled water schemes; (1) policy leadership, (2) policy coordination, (3) availability of financial resources, (4) awareness of a problem, and (5) the presence of a public forum. In order to elaborate on the practical relevance of these conditions we studied a recycled water scheme currently being upscaled in Sabadell, Spain. We reviewed policy documents, conducted a set of 21 semi-structured interviews, and attended two policy meetings about the subject. Our results suggest that Sabadell meets the required conditions for upscaling reused water to a certain extent. However, the presence of a public forum is lacking. We discuss the implications of the absence of the venue and procedures for public participation in Sabadell and how it could be strengthened. Following this discussion, we conclude with some lessons for other cities that plan to upscale their recycled water schemes.

This paper discusses a significant public-private partnership (PPP) formed by the government and Taiwanese Farmer Associations. Particularly, it will investigate a pattern of the PPP that has successfully promoted rural development and agricultural modernization in Taiwan since 1950s. Taiwanese Farmer Associations (hereafter TFAs), similar to agricultural cooperatives in South Korea and Japan, have played a policy agent in fostering rural development in this island state since 1950s. TFA’s performance inherently came from Japanese Cooperatives before World War II. The Performances of those farmer organizations are combinations of economic, social, and educational synergies. The rural development experiences in Taiwan demonstrate that success of rural modernization is carried out by a special public-private partnership (PPP). First, this paper discusses formation and development of farmer cooperative organizations in East Asian societies and compare the similarities and differences of practice of those organizations and their relations to the governments among Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan. Secondly, this paper examines collaborative mold and process in which both the government and Taiwan Farmer Associations have been extensively involved. A specific cooperative apparatus between the government and TFA functioning and operating as a perfect PPP has been formed under administrative guidance of the state. Thirdly, this paper looks at input and various supports in financial and policy perspective by the public sector. Fourthly, the paper discusses legal framework, administrative apparatus, and governance pattern for TFA. Fifthly, the paper discuses that a specific PPP successfully involving in rural modernization in Taiwan is significantly derived from the state’ guidance that properly regulates a collaboration between the government and TFA. So-call East Asian model of PPP in agricultural modernization and rural community development may become a valuable experience for most of developing countries.

AGI could arise within the next decades, promising a decisive strategic advantage. This paper discusses risks, associated with the development of AGI: destabilizing effects on strategic balance, underestimating risks in the interest of victory in the race, egoistically exploiting the huge benefits by a tiny minority. Further: Developed AGI could be beyond human control. Human goals could not be implemented and an intelligence explosion to superintelligence could take place leading to a total loss of control and power. If competition for AGI is non-transparent, secret, uncontrolled and not regulated, it’s possible that risks could not be managed and would lead to catastrophic consequences. The danger corresponds to that of nuclear weapons. It is crucial that the key actors of a possible AI Race agree at an early stage on the prevention and transparent regulation of a possible AI Race - similar to measures to secure strategic stability, on arms control measures, disarmament, and prevention of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The realization that an uncontrolled AI race can lead to the extinction of humanity - this time even independent of human will – requires analogous measures to contain, prevent, regulate and secure an AI race within the framework of AGI development.

By studying game theory, we find that the Nash equilibrium does not exist in some games or, if there is in one, does not describe a real event. Here we show that the matching pennies game with pure strategy has the solution, but this solution is a game that happens simultaneously with this game. Using this solution, we will answer the Brookings Institution's question of boycotting the elections whether the opposition's boycott of elections is, in different circumstances, a defeated strategy. A strategy that its result in most cases is a failure or political suicide and the least possible consequence by the opposition. The findings of this article show that in general, it can be concluded that the election boycott strategy is a dominated strategy, and most of the opposition groups that have used it have failed and they donated the playground to the ruling group.

A cursory look at Indian prime time news tells us much about the tone and tenor of the people associated with it. Exaggerations, hyperbole, and tempers run wild and news anchors flail in theatrical rage. News channels and news editors display their ideological affiliations subliminally. These affiliations — a factor of personal political stance, funding bodies, and investors — lead to partisan bias in the framing of news and, in some cases, can easily translate into racial prejudice. In this paper, I examine news coverage related to Muslims in India. I study the coverage of two issues specifically– love jihad and triple talaq –in prime time English news of two channels – Times Now and Republic TV. My analysis of the content, tone, and tenor of their coverage shows that these channels propagate associations between Islam and backwardness, ignorance and violence through consistent employment of the following tropes – ‘Muslim women need to be saved from Muslim men’, ‘Hindu women need to be saved from Muslim men’, and ‘Muslims are not fully Indian – they are anti-national’. I place this study of news media within the current political climate in India and briefly touch on the conversations it guides and provokes. This is also a call for further analysis on this subject to examine and evaluate how discourse manipulates public conversations and policy decisions.

Background: Recent infectious disease outbreaks have brought increased attention to strengthening the capacity to prevent, detect, and respond to natural biological threats. However, deliberate biological events also represent a significant global threat that have received relatively little attention. The Biological Weapons Convention provides a foundation for the response to deliberate biological events, but the political mechanisms to respond to and recover from such an event are poorly defined. Methods: We performed an analysis of the epidemiological timeline, the international policies triggered as a notional deliberate biological event unfolds, and the corresponding stakeholders and mandates assigned by each mandate. Findings: The results of this analysis identify a significant gap in both policy and stakeholder mandates: there is no single policy nor stakeholder mandate for leading and coordinating the response activities associated with a deliberate biological event. These results were visualized using an open source web-based tool published at https://dbe.talusanalytics.com. Interpretation: While there are organizations and stakeholders responsible for roles in leading security or public health response, these roles are non-overlapping and are led by organizations not with limited interaction outside such events. The lack of mandates highlights a gap in the mechanisms available to coordinate response and a gap in guidance for managing the response. The results of the analysis corroborate anecdotal evidence from stakeholder meetings and highlight a critical need and gap in deliberate biological response policy.

This research was focused on Public Service of departmental auction state officers of Makassar . It aimed to determine the state officers’ performance who passed departmental auction that had been assessed based on competence, and integrity in particular, the ability to provide and develop good service to the community at the 9 Local Government Work Unit (SKPD) Makassar, namely the Regional Revenue Board of Makassar City, the Land Board of Makassar City, the Office of Investment and Integrated One Stop Service of Makassar City and the Department of Population and Civil Registration of Makassar City, Ujung Pandang District Office, Makassar District , Rappocini District , Bontoala District , and Panakkukang District . The 9 SKPD were chosen purposively from 53 SKPD within the Makassar City Administration by considering the representation of SKPD of the Agency and the Department as well as the representation of the district Institution located in the northern, middle and southern part of Makassar City. Interviews and observation data were collected by 3 interviewers and narrated as facts and elaborated by the research team with qualitative and normative studies. The result of the research shown that the state officers’ performance in Makassar city administration area had been able to develop good service to the society at 9 Local Government Work Unit (SKPD) of Makassar City. However, it was necessary to improve the quality of human relations especially for the leading position of all SKPD so that the communication can be better served to the citizens. System reward dan punishment need to be upgraded and enforced as a trigger of employees’ motivation in work.

Sea level rise and increased storm events, urge cities to develop governance capacity. However, a cohesive conceptual and empirical-based understanding of what governance capacity implies, how to measure it, and what cities can learn, is largely lacking. Understanding the influence of context is critical to address this issue. Accordingly, we aim to identify crosscutting contextual factors and their influence in impeding, enhancing or prioritising different elements of governance capacity to address urban flood risk. By assessing governance capacity through nine conditions and 27 indicators in two Dutch and two cities in the UK, three crosscutting contextual factors are identified: 1) flood probability and impact, 2) national imposed institutional setting, and 3) level of authority to secure long-term financial support. We found that contextual factors explain differences in urban capacity-priorities within and between both countries. The institutional setting in the UK and recent political devolution emphasized the role of citizen awareness, stakeholder engagement, entrepreneurial agents, and the overall necessity for local capacity-development. The Dutch focus on flood safety through centralised public coordination reduces flood probability but also inhibits incentives to reduce flood impacts and reduced public awareness. In conclusion, the three identified contextual factors enable a better understanding of capacity-building priorities.

In order to clarify some more concepts, we start by classifying some forms of populism and visualize them as precursors of totalitarianism. It goes without saying that media control or at least media domination (especially in this recent age of digitalization) becomes important within this context, because the Turing galaxy follows essentially the development of the Gutenberg galaxy, but at the same time, quite different from the latter, it multiplies, enhances, and accelerates anonymous data pressure that alters the quality of the ongoing discourse. This is what we would like to discuss here in more detail by also asking for a possibly anthropological principle that underlies these developments.

Through the process of paradigm change (water as a resource towards water as a common), the authors examine, from a theoretic point of view, the water governability proposed by Agenda del Agua Cochabamba (AdA) – Cochabamba Water Agenda – in the Cochabamba Valley (Bolivia), identifying barriers and drivers to the process that could take place. The rise of Evo Morales in Government in 2006 suggested that policy making would somehow take a fundamental turn resulting in more poor environmental-oriented water policies. However, if that was indeed the case, the implementation of these policies remain controversial as strong power asymmetries still exist at a local level that interfere with national policies shaping the political area. The Cochabamba Water Agenda echoes this debate on the political arena and contributes a politically contested water management through a paradigm change envisaging the difficulties through its implementation. The question remains if this “political” solution to paradigm change in water management may reduce water conflicts.

In the British setting, the deployment of the phrase ‘doing god’ has become increasingly common to refer to an emerging trend whereby religion has acquired an increasingly prominent role in political spaces and discourses. This was particularly prominent while David Cameron was Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party. While historically, religion has not had a prominent place in either the former Prime Minister David Cameron. Here, the findings from critical analyzing a series of Cameron’s public pronouncements about religion—and Christianity in particular—is set out to try and better understand his own adherence to Christianity (the personal) how this intersected with his politics and role as Prime Minister (the political), and more importantly how this shaped his views about Britain being a Christian country (the national). Contextualised within the embryonic scholarly literature relating to the phenomenon of ‘doing god’ in the contemporary British setting, this article concludes by considering alternative and analogous frames through which greater elucidation of the true motivations of his pronouncements might be understood.

Soon after the Conservative-led Coalition government came to power in 2010, Baroness Sayeeda Warsi announced that Islamophobia had passed the ‘dinner-table test’ in contemporary Britain. Resultantly, the need to address Islamophobia was identified as a priority for the Coalition. This article critically analyses how the Coalition sought to achieve this and the extent to which it was successful. Focusing on the period 2010-5, this article initially frames what is meant by Islamophobia before briefly setting out how it had been responded to by previous British governments. As regards the Coalition, a threefold approach is adopted that considers the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Islamophobia, the Cross-Government Working Group on Anti-Muslim Hate and the political discourses used by the Coalition about Muslims and Islam more generally. Concluding that the Coalition failed to meet the high expectations set by Warsi’s speech, this article considers why this might have been so.

Emerging countries in Southeast Asia are facing considerable challenges in addressing rising motorisation and its negative impact on air quality, traffic, energy security, liveability, and greenhouse gas emissions. Indeed, even as initial policies to address these issues are being agreed and implemented, current trends are incompatible with sustainable development and long-term climate change targets. This paper presents a comparative analysis of the approach and status of sustainable, low-carbon transport policy in ASEAN countries and identifies differences and similarities, with the aim of helping assessment of feasibility of future policies and informing future studies on policy innovations and cross-country learning. The methodology is based on the taxonomy of policy components developed by Howlett and Cashore, and our data on comprehensive country studies for Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam and interviews. We find that each country has a specific set of goals, objectives and targets that support sustainable transport, and, directly or indirectly, climate change mitigation. In terms of specific instruments and calibrations, which we analyse based on the Avoid-Shift-Improve approach, there are notable differences between the countries, for example in fuel economy policy.

Commons and food are experiencing a revival in recent years and yet the links between both are almost absent in academic and political discourses. Commons are often portrayed as historical and yet innovative governing mechanisms that can challenge the State-Market hegemony. On the other side, food is both a relevant agent of change and a major driver of planetary destruction, being thus cause and solution to multiple crises that affect humankind. Departing from the commodification of food as one root cause of the broken global food system, this text firstly situates and discusses the different schools of thought (or epistemologies) that have addressed the private/public, commodity/commons nature of goods in general, and then explores how those schools have considered food in particular. To do so, the author has defined five epistemologies, four academic (economic, legal, historical and political) and one non-academic (grassroots activists). The analysis highlights how those epistemologies have yielded incommensurable understandings and conflicting vocabularies, hence creating confusion in the socio-political realm and even rejection around the idea of food being considered as a commons. The economic epistemic regard has reigned over the others by applying an approach to commons, public and private goods that is theoretical, reductionist and ontological instead of phenomenological, therefore preventing or obscuring other scholarly or practical understanding of commons. When applied to food, the iron law of economics dictated that food, a private good based on rivalry and excludability, shall be better allocated through market mechanisms with absolute proprietary rights and valued as a pure commodity. This reductionist view collides with the plurality of meanings of food in different societies, civilisations and historical periods, as other schools of thought indicate. The author uses diverse epistemic tools to re-construct food as a commons, based on its essentiality to human beings and societies and the customary and contemporary praxis to produce, consume and govern food collectively through non-market mechanisms for more than 2000 centuries. As commoning has instituting power to create different political and legal frameworks, if food is valued differently the entire architecture of the global food system would change, as the grassroots activist school claims. Re-commoning food defies the legal and political scaffoldings that sustain the hegemony of market and state decision-makers over eaters and food producers and informs sustainable forms of food production (agro-ecology), new collective practices of governance (food democracies) and alternative policies to regain control over the food system (food sovereignty). Food as a commons is an agent of change with transformative power, no matter what economists say.

There is a large potential for cost-effective solutions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to improve the sustainability of the transport sector that is yet unexploited, in particular in the urban context. Considering the cost-effectiveness and the potential for co-benefits, it is hard to understand why energy gains and mitigation action in the transport sector is still lagging behind the potential. Particularly interesting is the fact that there is substantial difference among countries with relatively similar economic performances, such as the OECD countries in the development of their transport CO2 emission over the past thirty years despite the fact that these countries had relatively similar access to efficient technologies and vehicles. This study aims to apply some well established political science theories on the particular example of climate change mitigation in the transport sector in order to identify some of the factors that could help explain the variations in success of policies and strategies in this sector. The analysis suggests that institutional arrangements that contribute to consensus building in the political process provide a high level of political and policy stability which is vital to long-term changes in energy end-use sectors that rely on long-term investments. However, there is no direct correlation between institutional structures, e.g. corporatism and success in reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the transport sector. Environmental objectives need to be built into the consensus-based policy structure before actual policy progress can be observed. This usually takes longer in consensus democracies than in politically more agile majoritarian policy environments, but the policy stability that builds on corporatist institutional structures is likely to experience changes over a longer-term, in this case to a shift towards low-carbon transport that endures.

REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) aims to achieve its purpose by working across multiple sectors and involving multi-level actors in reducing deforestation and forest degradation in tropical countries. By contrast, the European Union (EU) Action Plan on Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) and its Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) focus on forestry and functions at bilateral state level. The FLEGT Action Plan specifically aims to tackle illegal logging, legalise timber production and trade improve forest governance in countries exporting tropical timber to the EU. Since illegal logging is just one driver of deforestation and forest degeneration, and legalisation of logging does not necessarily reduce deforestation and forest degradation, the two instruments differ in scale and scope. However, by addressing the causes of deforestation and forest degradation and their underlying governance issues, the EU FLEGT and REDD+ share many functional linkages at higher levels of forest policy and forest governance. The contribution and participation of civil society organisations (CSOs) and other actors is imperative to both processes. Our study is based on a survey of key actors (national and international) in REDD+ and FLEGT VPA processes in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Our analysis was guided by the theoretical perspectives of the policy arrangement approach and examination of two specific dimensions of this approach, namely resources and rules of the game. This paper argues that participation of CSOs in both processes is crucial as it facilitates and nurtures the very much needed cooperation between other national and international actors. The paper also argues that participation of CSOs feeds valuable information and knowledge into REDD+ and FLEGT VPA processes, thus contributing to increased legitimacy, justice and transparency.

The measurement of discrimination in employment is a key variable in understanding dynamics in the nature of and change in ‘race relations’. Measuring such discrimination using ‘situation’ and ‘correspondence’ tests was influenced by John Rex’s sociological analyses, begun in in England in the 1960s, and replicated in Europe and America in later decades. This literature is reviewed, and the methodologies of testing for employment discrimination are discussed. Recent work in Britain and The Netherlands is considered in detail in the light of changing social structures, and the rise of Islamophobia. Manchester, apparently the city manifesting the most discrimination in Britain, is considered for a special case study, with a focus on one individual, a Muslim woman seeking intermediate level accountancy employment. Her vita was matched with that of a manifestly indigenous, white Briton. Submitted vitas (to 1,043 potential employers) indicated significant discrimination against the Muslim woman candidate. Results are discussed within the context of Manchester’s micro-sociology, and Muslim women’s employment progress in broader contexts, drawing on our work in Jordan and Palestine. We conclude with the critical realist comment that the “hidden racism” of employment discrimination shows that capitalist societies continue to be institutionally racist, and the failure to reward legitimate aspirations of minorities pushes ethnic minorities into a permanent precariat, with implications for social justice and social control, which denies minority efforts to “integrate” in society’s employment systems.

As the leader of the largest economy, President of the United States has substantive influence on addressing the global climate change problem. However, presidential election is often dominated by issues other than energy problems. This paper focuses on the on-going 2016 presidential election, examining the energy plans proposed by the leading Democrat and Republican candidates. Our data from the Iowa caucus survey in January 2016 suggests that voters are more concerned about terrorism and economic issues than environmental relative issues. We then compare the Democratic and Republican candidate’s view of American’s energy future, and evaluate their proposed renewable energy targets. We find that the view on renewable energy is polarized between Democratic and Republican candidates, while candidates from both parties agree on the need for energy efficiency. Results from our ordinal least squares regression models suggest that Democratic candidates have moderate to ambitious goals for developing solar and other renewable energy. The Republican candidates favor fossil fuel and they neglect to provide any plan for renewable energy. In addition, this trend of polarization has grown more significant when compared with the past three presidential elections. Our observation suggests that energy issues need to be discussed more to draw broader attention to salient issues of diversifying and decarbonizing the nation’s energy system.

Since the 1990s, the understanding of how and where politics is made has changed radically. Scholars such as Ulrich Beck and Maria Bakardjieva have discussed how political agency is enacted outside of conventional party organizations, and political struggles increasingly focus on single issues. Over the past two decades, this transformation of politics has become common knowledge, not only in academic research but also in the general political discourse. Recently, the proliferation of digital activism and the political use of social media is often understood to enforce these tendencies. This article analyzes the Pirate Party in relation to these theories, relying on almost 30 interviews with active Pirate Party members in Sweden, the UK, Germany, the USA, and Australia. The Pirate Party was initially formed in 2006, focusing on copyright, piracy, and digital privacy. Over the years, it has developed into a more general democracy movement, with an interest in a wider range of issues. This article analyses how the party’s initial focus on information politics and social media connects to a wider range of political issues and to other social movements, such as Arab Spring protests and Occupy Wall Street. Finally, it discusses how this challenges the understanding of information politics as a single issue agenda.

As the world’s second largest economy, China ranks amount the world’s top nations when it comes to carbon emission, and therefore its attitude towards climate change is closely followed by all parties concerned. There have been few researches on the role of environmental governance in low-carbon city transformation process, especially the Chinese one. This paper analyses the role of government environmental regulation played in the low-carbon city transformation process by taking Shenzhen as the research object. One of the world's youngest super cities, it also happens to be the lowest carbon emission intensity city in China. Striving to explore green low-carbon development path for the whole country, Shenzhen provides practical experience for countries to cope with global climate change. However, its efforts to reduce the total carbon emissions failed, but it emphasized the carbon emission intensity, which is consistent with the international commitments made by the central government. China’s policy towards handling climate change relies on hierarchical governance arrangement. The strength of the NGOs in the country is weak and incomparable with the government’s, which has mastered most of the resources and is just a reality in China.