2. Literature Review
Three major research approaches have dominated the existing literature on fintech: systematic and bibliometric analyses, case studies and conceptual research, and quantitative methods. Some studies explore the evolution of fintech and the financial system to establish trends through a systematic, bibliometric approach, in which researchers construct a comprehensive bibliometric map of the fintech and financial system landscape (Khan et al., 2026; Zakaria & Abdelhalim, 2025; Sahid et al, 2023; Garg et al, 2023; Sahabuddin et al., 2023; Tepe et al., 2021). Moreover, recent empirical research has examined how digital currencies and fintech, in particular, affect central bank monetary regulations (Nawaz et al., 2024; Ia & Miglionico, 2019; Mills et al., 2016). From a quantitative perspective, the theme has centred on how fintech impacts monetary and economic output (Mittal et al., 2023; Rehman et al., 2023; Kömürcüoğlu & Akyazi, 2024; Cornelli et al., 2024). There is indeed an integration gap between monetary policy transmission and fintech expansion and adoption, with most studies examining one or the other from a financial inclusion perspective (Ozili, 2023; Lee et al., 2022; Mehrotra & Yetman, 2014). This study simultaneously investigates how central bank rate decisions, via the monetary policy rate (MPR) and the Treasury bill rate (TBR), causally influence fintech adoption and, more generally, payment-system channels. Therefore, this study makes a very important theoretical contribution to the existing literature.
The monetary transmission mechanism theory provides a foundational pillar for answering our main research question: how do monetary policy rates influence fintech expansion and the entire payment system? We consider this from the perspective that the traditional monetary policy transmission mechanism, which has its origins in decades of central bank management of interest rates and the nominal money stock with a price stability goal, was preceded by the evolution of fintech. We therefore approach the theoretical lens through three major channels that remain relevant to fintech expansion and the payment system. Under the quantity theory of money (QTM), central banks have the mandate to deploy monetary policy with greater manoeuvrability and, to do so, aim to forecast money demand more effectively (Goldfeld, 1973). Also, monetary policy is deployed to control the level of liquidity. When liquidity or demand for money increases, deposit money banks (DMBs) meet the demand by borrowing from the central bank at the monetary policy rate. Cash demand is determined by factors such as inflationary pressures and seasonal demand for money.
Therefore, fintech developments, along with their various channels, affect the demand for money and the channels through which this demand is influenced (Kömürcüoğlu & Akyazi, 2024). Based on the QTM, existing studies have reported mixed findings on how changes in money demand impact Fintech. For instance, Mlambo and Msosa (2020), Wasiaturrahma et al. (2019) and Fujiki and Tanaka (2009) found that an expansion in fintech adoption decreases demand for money. These studies are contrary to other studies that found that expansion or increases in fintech channels adoption increase the demand for money (Ugwuanyi et al., 2020; Wasiaturrahma et al., 2019; Tehranchian et al., 2012). The monetary policy transmission mechanism in our study can operate through the bank lending channel. When a central bank raises interest rates, it automatically increases the cost of bank funding. In response to these higher MPRs, banks usually contract lending, thereby reducing their ability to create credit. However, the core of banking activities is the creation of credit; therefore, banks resort to credit rationing by increasing their lending rates. According to Winker (1999), this credit rationing, which is associated with rigidity of interest rates, is caused by ‘adverse selection’ and ‘switching costs’. As this happens, more bank borrowers, excluded by these high lending rates, are turning to fintech alternatives, suggesting that banks have transmitted monetary policy through fintech expansion, thereby displacing the bank credit channel. A study by Le et al. (2021) covering 80 countries from 2013 to 2017 confirmed a two-way relationship between fintech credit and traditional banks, in which a positive or negative relationship between the two affects banking system efficiency.
Under the monetary policy transmission channel through lending rates, existing studies have relied on industrial organisation theory to postulate that an economy’s market structure determines the pass-through or stickiness of lending rates. In this instance, factors such as the level of competition within the banking system, entry barriers, sophistication of the financial system, market concentration, as well as the role of state-owned institutions are major determinants of MPRs transmission through lending rates (Bendezu & Rodriguez, 2026; van Leuvensteijn et al, 2013). In contrast, some studies on developed and emerging markets find that the influence of MPR on lending rates depends on the degree of interaction within the financial institutions’ ecosystem. Therefore, the pass-through effect of MPR on lending rates is determined by factors such as the size of the institution, the banks’ risk appetite, the banks’ funding costs, source and type, as well as the banks’ liability structures, as they affect their share of deteriorating assets (Blot & Labondance, 2021; Altavilla et al, 2018; Holton & Rodrigues, 2015)
In the Technological Acceptance Model (TAM), for instance, monetary policy tightening is expected to increase the perceived usefulness of fintech adoption, as fintech reduces costs and improves efficiency. Beltrame et al. (2022), based on a study of fintech investments on a sample of 17 banks in Italy, asserted that there is a positive relationship between banks’ investments in fintech and their financial performance using the capital asset pricing model (CAPM), return on equity and price to book value as performance proxies. Wahab et al. (2025), in an expanded study covering 119 countries, examined the impact of fintech on financial literacy and development and reported that digital payment channels had a positive and significant effect on both. However, foreign currency volatility and exposure negatively moderate this relationship, especially with respect to financial development. Mahmud et al. (2022) report that customers’ adoption of fintech is determined by the levels of information security and government control, based on a sample of customers in Bangladesh. These findings are important as they deviate from the more common narrative of demographic variables. Ethical and privacy issues are therefore important safeguards to building trust in the adoption of fintech channels by customers, ensuring compliance with data protection laws (Aldboush & Ferdous, 2023)
Existing studies have used the number of automated teller machines (ATMs) as a proxy for fintech development when investigating its effect on monetary policy (Mabandla, 2026; Ugwuanyi et al., 2020; Mumtaz & Smith, 2020; Tule & Oduh, 2017). Others have used the number of points of sale (POS) devices, online/mobile digital/internet payments, central bank digital currency (CBDC), e-money, and crypto asset transactions (Ozili, 2023; Jiange et al., 2022; Saraswati et al., 2020; Mlambo & Msosa, 2020; Mumtaz & Smith, 2020). As reflected in the existing literature, studies that comprehensively investigate the relationship between money supply and demand and fintech expansion across the entire payment system are quite limited, and we found no study specific to Nigeria in this context. In a related study by Mittal et al. (2023), based in India, the authors report a positive relationship between financial inclusion (a proxy for monetary policy effectiveness) and fintech. Complementarily, a causality test conducted in the study indicates a bidirectional relationship between fintech and monetary policy effectiveness. In an expanded study across 19 countries, Cornelliet et al. (2024) investigated the impact of fintech and bank credit on changes in monetary policy. Their results show that fintech credit does not respond significantly to monetary policy shocks. A study by Al Sharif (2025) reports that fintechs have a positive impact on banks’ financial performance, manifested through direct and indirect channels, thereby enhancing banks’ soundness in Jordan.
Using a quantitative methodology, Hasan et al. (2024), based on a study of fintechs in Chinese provinces, employed Panel Vector Autoregression (PVAR) with interactions to examine the impact of fintech on monetary policy and found that fintech mitigates monetary policy transmission through regulatory arbitrage, competition, and counterfactual credit expansion. In a related study using panel data regression, Mansour (2024) examined bank profitability and reported that fintech expansion led to a decline in bank profitability and that an accommodative monetary policy stance can mitigate this effect among Chinese banks. Wang et al. (2025) reported similar findings, namely that fintech harms bank performance in China, using a fixed-effects panel regression model. Other studies in the Chinese context, such as Renzhi and Beirne (2025), Li et al. (2024), and Huang (2022), used a similar methodology. Other areas that have been empirically examined using quantitative methods include the study by Mlambo and Msosa (2020), which used the GMM panel technique to test the effect of fintech on money demand, based on 23 years of data from five sub-Saharan African countries, including Nigeria. This study by Mlambo and Msosa (2020) used variables such as the number of ATMs and mobile subscriptions as proxies for fintech and found that both negatively affect money demand. A similar method was used by Mumtaz and Smith (2020) on 25 developed and emerging countries. They reported that fintech, proxied by mobile and internet technologies, and digital currencies were robust determinants of money demand. In contrast, inflation, the real interest rate, GDP, stock market indices, and the level of financial development were not determinants of fintech expansion.
Mashamba and Gani (2023), based on a study of 56 banks across 19 Sub-Saharan African countries, found that traditional banks in Africa can resist fintech disruptions, primarily due to the resilience of their funding structures. Also, Mashamba and Gani (2024) postulated that, despite fintechs’ progress in credit expansion, traditional banks, through their branch networks, remain a crucial catalyst for lending growth and financial inclusion. This assertion confirms that fintechs complement traditional banks rather than compete with them. Moreover, mobile money, as a fintech instrument, has been reported to negatively affect the monetary policy rate, rendering monetary policy ineffective amid its expansion in Ghana (Wiafe et al., 2022). However, investments in fintech are positively and significantly associated with economic growth, especially in high-growth economies (Alalmaee, 2026). Fintech has also been attributed to strong customer satisfaction and retention (Ajouz et al., 2025), although concerns with security as it relates to data protection, information privacy, and limited government control hinder the adoption of fintech services (Mahmud et al., 2023)
Building on the above literature, we use bank-level data from the entire Nigerian banking sector to explore the relationships among monetary policy and the payment system via its various fintech channels, a distinct approach from the existing empirical review.
2.1. Background of the Nigerian Banking Sector
The banking sector in Nigeria is one of the most successful stories of the financial services development in sub-Saharan Africa. From the formal commencement of banking operations in Lagos in 1891 by the African Banking Corporation (ABC) and the entrance of other colonial banks and indigenous/local banks from 1945, Nigeria’s commercial banking system evolved long before the arrival of the regulator- the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The CBN is a relatively latecomer, entering in 1959 (Uche, 1997). From 20 deposit money banks as of 1981 to 89 banks as of 2004, before declining to 25 recapitalised banks after the 2004 recapitalisation exercise. The number of banks has since increased to 35 as of 2024 (see
Figure 1), dominated by indigenous banks, with over 8 banks with international authorisation operating within the African continent, Europe, the United Kingdom, Asia, and North America.
The government organises, influences, and controls a market economy through two principal means: monetary policy and fiscal policy. Whilst the government directly controls fiscal policy through its ministerial/departmental bureaucracy, it delegates monetary policy to an ‘independent’ specialised agency, the Central Bank. In the context of this study, monetary policy is the means by which a specialised monetary authority (CBN) influences, controls, and manages the pace of economic activity through tools that affect employment, production, growth, and the general price level. Moreover, one of these tools is the interest rate or the monetary policy rate (MPR). As noted by Friedman (2000), the core objectives of central banks in this era are to maintain general price stability or control inflation while also promoting economic growth.
Based on the data used in this study, we establish four phases of the monetary policy environment, as shown in
Table 1.
Also, within the payment ecosystem, the Nigerian banking sector continues to rank amongst the top global leaders in the use of fintech channels. According to the International Finance Corporation (IFC) in its 2019 Special Report on Digital Skills in Sub-Saharan Africa, by 2030, over 230 million jobs in sub-Saharan Africa will be digital-skills-intensive, requiring the creation of almost 650 million training opportunities. The report estimates that the fintech industry, projected to deliver significant social benefits, can transform healthcare delivery, improve insurance access, and enhance the agricultural value chain across Africa. Moreover, this development contributes to improving financial inclusion, particularly for women, who bear the brunt of financial exclusion in most developing countries.
According to a CBN (2025) report on Fintech, Nigeria-based start-ups in the fintech ecosystem raised
$520 million in 2024, accounting for 37% of the total
$2.2 billion raised by start-ups in Africa. The Nigerian fintech ecosystem is indeed thriving, with two unicorns (start-ups valued at over
$1 billion) as of May 2025. Developed countries such as Japan, South Korea, Switzerland, and Italy also have two unicorns, as shown in
Figure 2 below.
The Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS), owned by all licensed deposit money banks and the CBN, operates an instant payment platform called NIP (NIBSS Instant Payment), which serves as the core interoperable infrastructure, providing all banks with access to process digital payments. The CBN also plays a vital role in regulation, and this framework influences the entire financial system, with fintechs embedded within the banking system through a shared, robust payment system. Therefore, these regulatory oversight efforts contribute to adoption rates and the financial system’s positive trajectory. Nigeria continues to make great strides in fintech innovation and adoption, becoming one of the earliest pioneers of digital financial infrastructure with the rollout of a real-time payment system in 2011, well ahead of many developed countries. Moreover, these achievements occurred despite macroeconomic headwinds, as the data shows (ACI Worldwide report, 2022), and over 25% of all electronic transactions in Nigeria were processed through real-time channels, driven by its robust payment infrastructure (CBN fintech report, 2025).