Submitted:
29 April 2026
Posted:
02 May 2026
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Abstract
This study examines how family background shapes individual occupational status within a behavioral science framework, using pooled data from the 2018 and 2020 waves of the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS). Grounded in New Human Capital Theory, it further investigates the moderating roles of cognitive and non-cognitive abilities in this relationship. The results indicate that family background exerts a significant and persistent positive effect on both initial and current occupational status, suggesting the enduring influence of intergenerational advantage. Robustness checks using alternative indicators, including father’s occupational status and mother’s education, confirm the stability of the findings. In addition, digital skills, appearance investment, and selected Big Five personality traits—agreeableness, openness, and conscientiousness—significantly strengthen the positive association between family background and occupational outcomes. These findings suggest that, beyond structural advantages, individual behavioral and psychological characteristics play a critical role in enabling individuals to effectively transform family resources into labor market success. Overall, the study provides empirical evidence on how behavioral factors interact with family background to shape occupational inequality in contemporary China.
Keywords:
family background
; occupational status
; digital skills
; appearance investment
; big five personality traits
1. Introduction
The family, as the fundamental unit of society, serves as a primary agent of individual socialization (Freeman & Showel, 1953). Family background exerts a direct influence on socioeconomic attainment across generations, largely independent of temporal or institutional constraints. In traditional societies, social status was predominantly determined by familial endowment and class origin, with limited social mobility. Intergenerational transmission meant that access to resources and opportunities was directly inherited, creating largely insurmountable divides between social strata, as seen in historical systems like China’s recommendation-based bureaucracy or medieval European aristocracy. In modern societies, while individual achievement is commonly attributed to a combination of ability, effort, and opportunity, outcomes continue to vary significantly across socioeconomic groups. The intergenerational transmission of both tangible and intangible resources, such as property and cultural knowledge, contributes to persistent disparities in occupational access, earnings, and career achievement (Kilpi-Jakonen, 2024). Even in the absence of innate ability differences and under conditions of well-functioning capital markets, economic inequalities tend to persist across generations (Becker et al., 2018; Lucas, 2001).
In contemporary contexts, as social structures evolved, occupation has become a key mechanism through which social inequality is expressed, and socioeconomic differences among individuals are increasingly reflected in occupational status (Broom et al., 2023; Sakamoto & Wang, 2020). Families continue to play a decisive role in shaping individuals’ career trajectories—a phenomenon could be characterized as “advantage finds its way” (Lucas, 2001). That is, even amid structural changes that may promote equal opportunity, privileged parents are often the first to identify and leverage new opportunities, securing advantageous conditions for their children’s professional success. For instance, the 2016 U.S. Wealth and Income Survey, jointly conducted by the Social Security Administration and the Bureau of Economic Analysis, revealed a direct correlation between family wealth and career success. Similarly, the Federal Reserve’s 2021 Survey of Consumer Finances indicated that household wealth significantly influences access to high-paying occupations, with children from affluent families more likely to enter high-income, high-status professions.
The influence of family background on individuals’ socioeconomic status has long been a central theme in social science research (Blau, 1992; Friedman & Laurison, 2019a, 2019b; Nelson & Vallas, 2021; Rivera, 2015; Willekens & Lievens, 2014). Given that occupation not only conveys critical information about an individual’s social standing but is also more readily measurable in empirical studies (Mazumder & Acosta, 2014), this study adopts occupational status as the dependent variable to examine the impact of family background. Occupational status refers to the socio-economic position of an individual’s occupation that holds social recognition and influence, reflecting job quality and capturing the socioeconomic characteristics of occupational groups (Judge et al., 1999). The classic Blau-Duncan Model first established that ascribed factors (including father’s occupational status and education) and achieved factors (including an individual’s own education) strongly predict individual occupational status (Blau & Duncan, 1967). Since then, most research has emphasized education as the primary mechanism of intergenerational status transmission (Le Goff et al., 2023). However, family influence on offspring’s socioeconomic status operates through multiple concurrent pathways. Focusing solely on education as the mechanism of intergenerational transmission may lead to biased estimates of human capital effects.
The New Human Capital Theory proposed by Hanushek extends the traditional framework by emphasizing the significant roles of both cognitive and non-cognitive abilities in determining social and economic outcomes (Hanushek, 2010). Guided by this theory, we propose that individuals’ cognitive and non-cognitive abilities play important roles in the process through which family background influences occupational status. Specifically, we examine three moderating variables: digital skills, appearance investment, and Big Five personality traits. Specifically, digital use serves as an essential component for becoming digitally talented, while digital awareness represents a crucial dimension of digital skills (Scheerder et al., 2017). Physical attractiveness enhances social appeal, interpersonal effectiveness, and professional competence, making appearance investment an increasingly strategic ability in modern workplaces (Deng et al., 2020). Personality traits, particularly the Big Five framework, constitute fundamental factors influencing career achievement (Bühler et al., 2020).
In summary, this study employs pooled cross-sectional data from the 2018 and 2020 waves of the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) to examine the impact of family background on individual occupational status. Grounded in the New Human Capital Theory, it further investigates the moderating roles of three dimensions of cognitive and non-cognitive abilities: digital skills, appearance investment, and the Big Five personality traits. The empirical analysis comprises four components: baseline regression, moderation effect testing, robustness checks, and heterogeneity analysis. This study offers two primary marginal contributions. First, while existing literature has predominantly examined how macro-level social stratification shapes labor market outcomes such as income inequality (Addae, 2020; Björklund & Jäntti, 2020), this study uses micro-level survey data and focus on how familial resource endowment influences career development within Chinese culture. Second, whereas existing scholarship has primarily emphasized education as the central mechanism in intergenerational status transmission (Borgen, 2015; Heckman et al., 2006; Kilpi-Jakonen, 2024), this study adopts the theoretical framework of New Human Capital to propose that cognitive and non-cognitive abilities (digital skills, appearance investment, and Big Five personality traits) constitute crucial boundary conditions that influence how effectively family resources are translated into occupational advancement.
2. Related Literature and Hypotheses
2.1. Family Background and Occupational Status
Family background shares conceptual similarities with terms such as family capital, family socioeconomic status, social class, and social origin. These concepts are typically constituted by factors such as income, education, and occupational categories, collectively reflecting an individual’s or group’s access to social resources and their relative position within the societal hierarchy. This study emphasizes the influence of family resources on occupational attainment, and accordingly conceptualizes family background as the vehicle through which family capital shapes offspring’s career trajectories—that is, the family unit itself (Guo et al., 2024). Family capital originates from social capital theory. In the mid-20th century, scholars such as Coleman (1988) built on Bourdieu’s (1986) ideas to extend capital theory into the family context, establishing and refining the conceptual framework of family capital. Scholars conceptualize family capital as a form of social capital, encompassing factors such as parental occupation, social status, economic conditions, and education. It is regarded as an ascribed resource—inherited by individuals at birth and not alterable through personal effort alone (Coleman, 1990). Family capital reflects a household’s access to various resources, representing not only its current socioeconomic standing but also the accumulation and intergenerational transmission of advantages or constraints (Oh & Kim, 2020).
Family background, particularly elite family origin, is widely recognized as a pivotal factor in securing advantageous and well-compensated professional positions (Blaskó & Róbert, 2007; Friedman & Laurison, 2019b; Keuschnigg et al., 2023; Rivera, 2015). Privileged family background significantly facilitates access to socially valued resources. For example, family support manifests through advantages in educational resources, academic achievement, and field specialization, helping individuals attain both quantitative and qualitative educational advantages across different stages of learning (Le Goff et al., 2023). Consequently, individuals of advantage family indirectly facilitate entry into prestigious occupations through sustained human capital investments (Ingram & Oh, 2022). Inherited cultural capital, such as linguistic competence, aesthetic preferences, and other socially valued dispositions can also contribute significantly to workplace success by providing individuals with competitive advantages (Willekens & Lievens, 2014). Besides, substantial family background directly ensures competitive superiority across various social environments, including educational systems, labor markets, and social networks. A revealing study on U.S. fund managers demonstrated that individuals from affluent families maintain inherent advantages in market competition; even those with average abilities and educational credentials can access highly competitive fund management positions (Chuprinin & Sosyura, 2016). Furthermore, organizational decisions regarding senior appointments are often based more on social class markers than demonstrated competence (Rivera, 2015). For instance, research at the prestigious architecture firm Coopers revealed that over 80% of partners and associate partners came from privileged family backgrounds, with no representation from working-class origins (Friedman & Laurison, 2019b). Young adults raised in advantaged environments more easily establish connections with influential social contacts and receive informal support from superiors sharing similar class backgrounds. These advantages enable them to secure higher professional starting points early in their careers (Friedman & Laurison, 2019b; Nelson & Vallas, 2021).
In summary, family background exerts a substantial influence on occupational status, with individuals from privileged origins consistently demonstrating superior career advancement (Dimova & Stephan, 2020; Stephens et al., 2014). A lot of studies confirm that even when comparing individuals with equivalent qualifications, those from upper-class families secure higher-income positions and maintain significant wage advantages over peers from less advantaged backgrounds (Bapuji et al., 2020). Notably, this disparity persists at advanced career stages: managers from working-class backgrounds typically receive lower compensation than counterparts from higher socioeconomic strata (Laurison & Friedman, 2016). This pattern confirms the durable advantage in status transmission maintained by elite families, where elevated parental socioeconomic status strongly predicts access to prestigious, high-income occupations (Laurison & Friedman, 2016). Consequently, we propose:
H1.
Family background is positively related to individual occupational status.
2.2. The Moderating Role of Cognitive and Non-Cognitive Skills
Since the initial publication of Gary Becker’s Human Capital in 1964, the concept of human capital has become integral to theoretical and empirical research across numerous social science disciplines. Traditional human capital theory defines human capital as the sum of economically valuable qualities—such as knowledge, skills, and physical health—embodied in individuals (OECD Glossary of Statistical Terms, 2001). Abilities were often regarded as innate and fixed. Many empirical studies relied on years of schooling (sometimes combined with work experience) as a convenient proxy for human capital (Tan, 2014). However, focusing solely on education can distort the understanding of human capital and lead to biased estimates in estimating its effects (Marginson, 2019). With advances in psychological measurement in the 21st century, the assessment of abilities has become increasingly refined. Abilities are now recognized as playing a central role in shaping socioeconomic outcomes. This evolution has given rise to the New Human Capital Theory, which places abilities at the core of human capital (Hanushek, 2010). According to this framework, human capital encompasses abilities, skills, and health. Abilities include cognitive and non-cognitive abilities. Cognitive abilities refer to the brain’s capacity to perform tasks such as understanding complex ideas, reasoning, and problem-solving. Non-cognitive abilities—such as personality traits and temperament—do not directly constitute cognitive tasks but significantly influence their outcomes (Borghans et al., 2008; Kröger et al., 2024).
Both cognitive and non-cognitive abilities are closely linked to success in social and economic life (Hanushek, 2010). For instance, cognitive abilities shape occupational choice, financial decision-making, and entrepreneurial activity (Agarwal & Mazumder, 2013; Keuschnigg et al., 2023), as well as labor market outcomes such as income and job performance (Jokela et al., 2017). Similarly, non-cognitive abilities influence career preferences and individuals’ capacity to seize employment opportunities (Heckman et al., 2006). A lot of research suggests that individuals with stronger non-cognitive skills are more likely to enter high-paying occupations, perform better at work, and achieve more distinguished career outcomes (Borghans et al., 2008, 2016). However, because non-cognitive abilities often involve cognitive components, and cognitive performance is partly enabled by non-cognitive traits, many behaviors cannot be neatly categorized as purely cognitive or non-cognitive (Adhitya et al., 2019). Examples include effective communication, problem-solving, and skills related to planning, organizing, and locating information. Rather than attempting to classify every behavior or competency, this study focuses on the integrated role of cognitive and non-cognitive abilities in the relationship between family background and occupational status. Accordingly, we do not delineate strict categorical boundaries but instead select three dimensions of relevance in today’s socioeconomic context—digital skills, appearance investment, and the Big Five personality traits—as moderating factors in the analysis of how family background shapes occupational status.
2.2.1. The Moderating Role of Digital Skills
Recent rapid advancements in digital technology have sparked a new wave of technological revolution and industrial transformation. While alleviating labor demands, these changes have also fostered emerging formats, industries, and positions, and expanding career development opportunities for workers. Digital skills not only enable individuals to continuously acquire new knowledge and competencies, enhancing their overall quality and skill set to gain a competitive edge and increase promotion prospects in the workplace, but are also widely regarded as a key factor for long-term career success and are closely associated with high-status occupations (Entwistle, 2005; Mahajan et al., 2022). We propose those digital skills—digital use and digital awareness—strengthen the positive influence of family background on individual occupational status.
First, digital use plays a moderating role in the relationship between family background affects occupational status. Digital use refers to an individual’s engagement with the internet and serves as the fundamental dimension of digital skills. The use of digital tools facilitates continuous acquisition of new knowledge and skills, improving individual capabilities and technical proficiency, thereby granting a competitive advantage in the labor market and increasing the likelihood of career advancement (Entwistle, 2005). It provides critical support for individual employment and has become essential for securing high-paying jobs and sharing in the dividends of the digital economy (Pirzada & Khan, 2013). Citizens with digital device proficiency often exhibit higher employment rates, constituting a key element of employ ability (Wang et al., 2024). For instance, by using digital platforms to expand professional networks and access high-quality internship and job information, and thus securing a more favorable position in the digitalized labor market. For individuals from advantaged family backgrounds, the ability to use digital tools enables them to more effectively mobilize family-provided resources. Meanwhile, for individuals with relatively limited family background, improving digital use can also provide more employment and development opportunities, partially compensating for their lack of inherited resources. However, in overall effect, since individuals from advantaged backgrounds already possess superior resource foundations and digital access conditions, enhancements in digital ability tend to benefit them more significantly. The occupational advantages conferred by family background become further amplified in the digital environment. Based on the above, digital use enhances the efficiency of resource transmission. The following hypothesis is proposed:
H2a.
The positive relationship between family background and individual occupational status is moderated by digital use.
Second, digital awareness exerts a positive moderating effect on the relationship between family background and individual occupational status. Specifically, individuals with stronger digital awareness demonstrate a stronger positive association between family background and occupational status attainment. Information acquisition has long been recognized as a crucial mechanism in social status attainment. The life of the Ming Dynasty scholar Song Lian serves as an illustration. Despite his impoverished background and limited access to knowledge resources, he overcame informational barriers by borrowing and transcribing books and traveling long distances to seek scholarly guidance, ultimately achieving academic excellence. In the contemporary context, the internet serves as an open information platform that has become the primary channel for individuals to access external knowledge and perceive social dynamics. Through digital platforms, individuals can obtain, collect, organize, and analyze information, leveraging the communicative power of the internet to identify career opportunities and enhance professional competitiveness (Wang et al., 2024). Furthermore, as access disparities gradually narrow, the digital divide has shifted from device ownership to skill differentiation among users (Scheerder et al., 2017), making information perception another critical dimension of digital skills. For instance, rural households have been shown to enhance their economic income through the integration and utilization of information resources (Mou et al., 2021). Individuals with higher digital awareness can more effectively acquire, evaluate, and utilize digital information, including career opportunities and professional knowledge. This allows them to fully leverage resources provided by their family, including access to paid information services, understanding elite discourse, or obtaining referrals through familial networks. In doing so, they can translate raw family resources into concrete occupational advantages. Therefore, we propose H3b:
H2b.
The positive relationship between family background and individual occupational status is strengthened by digital awareness.
2.2.2. The Moderating Role of Appearance Investment
Physical appearance serves as one of the most immediate and noticeable personal attributes. The “economics of beauty” posits that physical attractiveness functions as a scarce commodity, generating tangible social and economic returns in various life domains, including the labor market (Hamermesh, 2011). Workers with above-average looks earned 10%–15% more than those with below-average appearance (Hamermesh & Biddle, 1994). A lot of research has confirmed the advantages conferred by favorable appearance. For instance, better-looking individuals tend to earn more—a phenomenon termed the “beauty premium”—while those perceived as less attractive often face a “plainness penalty” (Biddle & Hamermesh, 1998). Attractive individuals are also more likely to enter high-status occupations, experience greater employment opportunities, and achieve faster career advancement (Deng et al., 2020; Zhang et al., 2023). Studies have similarly explored the role of appearance. For example, based on CFPS data, Peng et al. (2020) confirmed that the “beauty premium” is a prevalent phenomenon in the labor market: individuals with an attractive appearance earn a higher hourly wage than the general population, and the beauty premium is more pronounced for high-skilled workers than for low-skilled ones. Mobius & Rosenblat (2006) argued that physically attractive workers are more confident and have oral skills (such as communication and social skills) that raise their wages when they interact with employers.
This study proposes that appearance investment positively moderates the relationship between family background and occupational status. Specifically, individuals who invest more in their appearance through dressing up are better able to leverage the advantages provided by their family background to achieve higher occupational status. Appearance investment can serve as a symbolic form of cultural capital. It signals traits such as professionalism and social fit. For example, recruiters may unconsciously interpret appearance-related cues such as attire as indicators of competence or organizational fit, even when these cues are unrelated to actual job performance (Peterman, 2018). As a result, applicants who do not present these appearance-based signals may be disadvantaged in hiring decisions, regardless of their true qualifications (Glied & Neidell, 2010). In addition, appearance investment can enhance self-confidence and improve interpersonal effectiveness, which contributes to more favorable occupational outcomes like better access to high-quality jobs and higher earnings (Deng et al., 2020; Scholz & Sicinski, 2015). Individuals from more advantaged family backgrounds are often equipped with the necessary resources to support appearance investment. These resources may include financial support, familiarity with elite aesthetic norms, or exposure to refined self-presentation practices (Flemmen et al., 2017). When such individuals actively invest in their appearance, they are more likely to amplify the benefits of their family background and convert inherited resources into concrete professional outcomes. In contrast, those who invest less in appearance may find it more difficult to translate similar family advantages into occupational success. Therefore, we propose the following hypothesis:
H3.
The positive relationship between family background and individual occupational status is strengthened by appearance investment.
2.2.3. The Moderating Role of the Big Five Personality Traits
Several moderator variables exert an impact on the formation and transfer of family capital (Dyer et al., 2014). The Big Five personality traits, which belong to non-cognitive abilities, serving as crucial factors that modulate the capacity to convert and leverage family capital for occupational achievements. The Big Five personality traits model comprises five core dimensions: agreeableness, openness, extraversion, conscientiousness, and neuroticism. Prior research consistently shows that these personality traits significantly influence career achievement (Bühler et al., 2020). We propose that agreeableness, openness, conscientiousness and extraversion have positive influence, while neuroticism plays negative impact in the influence of family capital on individual career achievements.
First, individuals with a high level of agreeableness are more capable of activating and utilizing family capital, and they are better able to maximize the potential value of family capital. Agreeableness reflects an individual’s interpersonal orientation (Sutin et al., 2009). People high in agreeableness are typically warm, cooperative and prosocial. They value harmonious relationships and often act in ways that promote collaboration and social cohesion (Sander et al., 2001). Empirical studies indicate that agreeable individuals excel in building rapport and enhancing group cohesion, particularly in roles requiring extensive interaction and collaboration such as teamwork, client management, and cross-departmental communication (Wehner et al., 2022). Therefore, individuals with high levels of agreeableness traits are more likely to integrate family capital in an inclusive and collaborative manner, fully leveraging the resources, connections, emotional support provided by their families to achieve career breakthroughs. Their ability to foster positive relationships contributes to stronger group cohesion and reduced conflict, which helps to improve cooperation efficiency. They are more likely to be recognized and supported by colleagues and supervisors (Sander et al., 2001). These interpersonal strengths may also enable them to better utilize and expand the advantages conferred by their family background. Through constructive interpersonal engagement, highly agreeable individuals can more effectively integrate and extend familial resources, thereby they are more capable of transforming inherited advantages into meaningful career opportunities and occupational advancement.
Openness reflects an individual’s attitude toward novel experiences and unfamiliar situations (Wehner et al., 2022). Individuals high in openness typically demonstrate imagination, curiosity, independent thinking, and a strong willingness to embrace change and innovation (Jeung, 2013). As individuals vary in the breadth and depth of their cognition and utilization of resources, it affects the efficiency of converting family capital into occupational achievements (DeYoung, 2015). Individuals with higher levels of openness are more capable at breaking inherent cognitive frameworks and exploring the hidden value of family capital from multiple perspectives, free from the constraints of its traditional uses, which making them more likely to stand out in workplace. Their flexible and imaginative thinking are strongly associated with creativity, which plays a crucial role in innovative capabilities (Nusbaum & Silvia, 2011). They demonstrate greater ability to integrate family capital with emerging occupational fields and developmental trends, thereby exhibiting stronger capabilities in resource integration and innovative application. Furthermore, openness is linked to continuous learning, the questioning of established norms, and an interest in entrepreneurial pursuits, as well as leadership (Antoncic et al., 2015; Judge et al., 2009). These attributes enhance an individual’s ability to recognize, pursue, and capitalize on emerging career opportunities. Consequently, highly open individuals with abundant family capital tend to break away from its traditional application scenarios. For example, they may invest family financial capital in learning and entrepreneurship in emerging career tracks, which maximizing its empowerment effect on career achievements. Even with limited family capital, they can leverage an open mindset to connect external resources, build broader networks based on existing family capital, flexibly adjust career directions. This enhances their competitive advantage, improves employment outcomes, and ultimately increases the likelihood of career success (Seibert & Kraimer, 2001). In contrast, those lower in openness may underutilize their familial resources, limiting the extent to which family background translates into occupational attainment.
Extraversion encompasses traits such as talkativeness and self-confidence, reflecting an individual’s level of sociability and assertiveness (Bühler et al., 2020). Extraverted individuals tend to be confident, positive, and skilled in self-expression, demonstrating strong interpersonal communication and social adaptability. Extensive research indicates that extraversion is associated with multiple career advantages across different stages of professional development. It shows positive correlations with salary levels, promotion rates, and career satisfaction (Seibert & Kraimer, 2001). Extraverted individuals are more likely to experience long-term income growth and occupational advancement (Sutin et al., 2009). They are also more proactive in seeking out social engagement, which allows them to gather career-related information through interpersonal interactions, enhancing their workplace performance and employability (Rao Muhammad et al., 2024). Extraversion enhances an individual’s ability to utilize the resources embedded in their family background. For instance, extraversion encourages proactive engagement with family-based social networks, gaining access to valuable occupational information and high-quality opportunities through referrals or recommendations (Rao Muhammad et al., 2024). Besides, many of the implicit advantages conferred by family background, such as elite education and international experience, require effective communication and self-presentation to be recognized and valued in professional settings. Extraverted individuals are often more skilled at articulating these experiences during interviews or performance evaluations. This enables them to better showcase and capitalize on their familial advantages, further enhancing their chances of occupational success. In summary, extraversion interacts with family background in shaping career outcomes. High levels of extraversion amplify the positive effect of family background on occupational achievement, thereby serving as a positive moderator in the relationship between family background and professional success.
Conscientiousness is typically characterized by high levels of self-discipline, responsibility, and achievement orientation, involving planned and organized behavior rather than disorganization (Barrick et al., 2003). Individuals with high conscientiousness tend to set clear goals in their work and develop actionable plans to achieve them, thereby demonstrating strong accountability and execution (Barrick et al., 2013). This personality trait facilitates recognition by others and is considered one of the most effective and universal predictors of individual career success. Research indicates that employees with lower emotional instability and higher conscientiousness are more likely to attain higher salaries and senior positions (Denissen et al., 2018). Individuals from advantaged familial backgrounds enter the workforce with a significant endowment of economic, social, and cultural capital. The personality trait of high conscientiousness acts as a critical amplifier, enabling them to utilize their family resources more effectively and sustainably. Specifically, conscientious individuals are more likely to formulate clear career plans and adhere to them diligently. When presented with high-quality opportunities, their inherent self-discipline and industriousness facilitate not only seizing these chances but also converting them into tangible occupational achievements. Furthermore, individuals from privileged backgrounds often face elevated long-term career expectations (e.g., professor and elite lawyer), which require sustained effort (Nelson & Vallas, 2021; Ostrove et al., 2011). Individuals high in conscientiousness are more predisposed to internalize such demanding goals and demonstrate the persistence necessary to see them through. Consequently, conscientiousness functions as a pivotal personal catalyst that activates and magnifies initial advantages. While this trait is a powerful personal asset that can partially compensate for a less favorable starting point, its moderating effect is particularly pronounced for individuals from high-status families. This effect enhances their inherent advantages, “adding flowers to the brocade, ” and propels their career development.
As one of the Big Five personality traits, neuroticism is characterized by a tendency toward emotional instability, including anxiety, depression, anger, self-consciousness, and heightened vulnerability (Belzer et al., 2002). Individuals with high levels of neuroticism are more likely to experiencing negative emotions when confronted with stress and challenges, which may impair their decision-making abilities and problem-solving skills. Typical neurotic individuals often exhibit excessive concern about failure, heightened sensitivity to criticism, and difficulty coping with pressure (Denissen et al., 2018). This trait can lead to undermining the advantages conferred by a favorable family background in career development. For individuals from advantaged family backgrounds, high neuroticism can hinder the effective utilization of their substantial initial resources. For instance, sensitive, suspicious, or volatile emotional reactions may damage interpersonal relationships, thereby devaluing the critical capital of social networks provided by their families. Furthermore, when presented with premium career opportunities, those with high neuroticism may be paralyzed by excessive anxiety and fear of failure, causing them to miss pivotal chances to convert familial capital into professional achievement. For individuals from lower socioeconomic status families, neuroticism exacerbates the negative impact of limited familial resources. Psychological fragility, insufficient resilience to stress, and increased interpersonal conflicts further constrain their upward mobility and the attainment of higher occupational status. Based on the above analysis, we propose hypotheses as follows:
H4a.
Agreeableness positively moderates the relationship between family background and individual occupational status.
H4b.
Openness to experience positively moderates the relationship between family background and individual occupational status.
H4c.
Extraversion positively moderates the relationship between family background and individual occupational status.
H4d.
Conscientiousness positively moderates the relationship between family background and individual occupational status.
H4e.
Neuroticism negatively moderates the relationship between family background and individual occupational status.
3. Data, Measurements, and Methods
3.1. Data
This study employs a pooled cross-sectional design using data from the 2018 and 2020 waves of the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), a nationwide comprehensive social survey conducted by the Institute of Social Science Survey at Peking University. The CFPS covers approximately 16, 000 households across 25 provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions in China, collecting longitudinal data at the individual, household, and community levels to capture the dynamics of social, economic, demographic, educational, and health developments in contemporary China. The analysis focuses on the adult population. By merging the individual and family relationship databases, key variables such as father’s education, individual occupational status, and other relevant measures were obtained. Missing values in certain variables (e.g., father’s education) were supplemented using data from the 2016 survey. The study sample is restricted to individuals aged 16 to 70 who are participating in the labor market.
3.2. Measurements
Family background:According to Bourdieu (1986), the three fundamental forms of family background—economic, cultural, and social—are interrelated and can be mutually convertible. Higher educational attainment is generally associated with elevated social status and economic resources (Coleman, 1988), and individuals with different levels of education often experience substantial disparities in family material, cultural, and economic environments (Mehryar & Tashakkori, 1984). Besides, the father’s education years serve not only as a core and stable indicator of family cultural capital but is also closely linked to economic and social capital, making it a reliable measure of the family background (Coleman, 1988; Peng, 2023). We use “father’s highest educational attainment” from the CFPS family database as the measure of family background. father’s educational attainment is relatively stable and publicly observable, making them more reliably reported in surveys and resulting in higher data quality. Father’s education is categorized as follows: 1 = no education, 2 = primary school, 3 = junior high school, 4 = high school/vocational/technical school, 5 = associate degree, and 6 = bachelor’s degree or above.
Occupational status: It was measured using the International Socio-Economic Index (ISEI) (Ganzeboom et al., 1992). The ISEI is constructed based on the average education and income levels associated with specific occupations (Blau & Duncan, 1967). The index ranges from 19 to 88, with higher scores indicating higher occupational status.
Digital skills: Referring to the existing relevant CFPS research on the measurement methods of digital skills (Mou et al., 2021; Cao and Cao, 2024), we used digital use and digital awareness as the measurement indicators of digital skills. Digital use was assessed based on affirmative responses to either “mobile internet use” or “computer internet use, ” coded as 1 if at least one was confirmed and 0 otherwise. Digital awareness was measured using the question on “the importance of the internet as an information channel, ” rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 (very unimportant) to 5 (very important).
Appearance investment: It was measured using the survey item “beauty and grooming expenses in the past 12 months” from the personal database. The expenditure amount was log-transformed after adding 1 to handle zero values, with higher scores indicating greater importance placed on physical appearance.
Big Five personality traits: Personality traits were assessed using the Big Five Inventory from the 2018 personal database. Each trait was measured by three items from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). All reverse-coded items, such as the agreeableness item “Sometimes being rude or impolite to others, ” were transformed before analysis. Composite scores for each trait were calculated by averaging the scores of its respective items.
Control variables: Gender (0 = female, 1 = male), age (ranging from 16 to 70 years), household registration status (0 = agricultural hukou, 1 = non-agricultural hukou), education (1 = no education, 2 = primary school, 3 = junior high school, 4 = high school/vocational/technical school, 5 = associate degree, 6 = bachelor’s degree or above), marriage (0 = not currently married, 1 = married), and region (0 = non-eastern China, 1 = eastern China).
Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics for all variables included in this research. The results show that the average occupational status (ISEI) of the sample is 34. For the explanatory variable of family background, measured by father’s education, the sample shows a mean value of 2. This indicates that the average parental education in the sample is at the primary school level. The average age of respondents is 44 years, clustering around middle adulthood, though the relatively large standard deviation suggests a wide age range spanning from 16 to 70 years. The gender distribution is relatively balanced, with a mean close to 0.5, though slightly skewed toward male respondents. In terms of household registration (hukou) type, most respondents hold non-agricultural hukou. The average educational attainment among respondents is 3, corresponding to junior high school education or above, which is higher than that of their fathers’ generation. Most respondents are married and reside in non-eastern regions of China.
3.3. Methods
To increase the sample size and ensure the availability of key variables such as father’s education, we constructed a pooled cross-sectional dataset by merging the two survey waves. Specifically, to examine the influence of family background on individual occupational status, we utilized data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) for the years 2018 and 2020. We estimated both a baseline regression model with time-fixed effects and a moderation effect model.
The general specification of the baseline model is as follows:
ISEIit=α0+α1Edu_fit +∑αxControlsitit+φit+εit (1)
To further explore the moderating effects, we extended the baseline model by including a moderating variable and its interaction term with paternal education:
ISEIit=β0+β1Edu_fit+β2Moderateit+β3Edu_fit×Moderateit+∑βxControlsitit+φit+εi(2)
In the model specification, i denotes individual workers and t indicates the survey year. The dependent variable, ISEIit, measures occupational status. The independent variable, Edu_fit, represents father’s education, while Moderateit is the moderating variable. The interaction term between father’s education and moderating variable is included to capture the moderating effect. Controlsitit comprise a set of control variables, φit represents time-fixed effects, and εit denotes the idiosyncratic error term.
4. Results
4.1. Preliminary Analysis
Table 2 presents the baseline regression results examining the impact of family background on individual occupational status across Models 1 to 3. Model 1 includes only control variables, with results indicating that some individual characteristics (age, gender, hukou, education, marriage and region) significantly influence occupational status. Specifically, in terms of occupational status, males generally achieve lower status than females, individuals with non-agricultural hukou outperform those with agricultural hukou, and residents in eastern China attain higher status than those in non-eastern regions. All these effects are statistically significant at p < 0.001. Regarding age, older individuals show a decline in occupational status. Model 2 introduces family background into the regression, and Model 3 includes all variables while also controlling for time-fixed effects. The regression coefficients for family background are positive across all models, indicating that family background contributes positively to individual occupational status. In Model 3, the coefficient for father’s education is 0.473, suggesting that a one-unit increase in father’s education is associated with a 0.473-unit increase in the individual occupational status. The model explains 41.82% of the variance in occupational status. These results provide support for Hypothesis H1.
Moreover, we use the initial occupational status as a supplementary analysis. Initial occupation refers to an individual’s first job upon entering the labor market and initial occupational status serves as a variable measuring the position and quality of that first position. Research suggests that family background, relatively unconstrained by temporal and institutional changes, not only significantly influences current occupational status but also exerts a notable impact on the status of their initial job (Jäntti & Jenkins, 2024). Therefore, we introduce initial occupational status to examine whether family background similarly affects individuals’ first position in the labor market. In Models 4 to 6 of Table 2, initial occupational status is used as the dependent variable. The results show that the regression coefficients for the impact of family background on initial occupational status remain positive and statistically significant (p < 0.001). These findings indicate that family background consistently exerts a positive influence on individuals’ career development, regardless of whether the outcome measured is their current occupational status or their initial occupational status. This discovery further validates the importance of family background in the process of individual career development. Its impact on occupational status is persistent, exhibiting significant effects from the very beginning of an individual’s entry into the labor market.
4.1. Robustness Test
We conducted robustness test using a variable substitution approach. For the independent variable, we replaced the original measure of family background—father’s education—with two alternative indicators: mother’s education and father’s occupational status. The dependent variables included both initial and current occupational status. We first replaced father’s education with mother’s education as an alternative indicator of family background. The education of parents constitutes fundamental components of family capital. It is particularly relevant given mothers’ typically central role in individuals’ upbringing and education. Table 3 presents the regression results. Models 1 to Model 3 examine its effect on current occupational status (N = 26, 427). The results remain statistically significant (p < 0.001), further supporting the robustness of our main findings. Specifically, a one-unit increase in mother’s education corresponds to a 0.493-unit rise in individuals’ occupational status, accounting for 41.69% of the variance in occupational status. Model 4 to Model 6 analyze the relationship between mother’s education and initial occupational status (N = 20, 502). The significant coefficients (p < 0.001) confirm that the positive effect of family background persists when examining career entry positions.
Furthermore, we employed father’s occupational status as an alternative measure to father’s education. Occupational status serves as a crucial indicator of family capital, particularly reflecting a family’s social capital and network resources (Bourdieu, 1986)). Higher educational attainment typically enables fathers to secure more advantageous occupational positions, making this variable a substitute for family background. Due to the data availability, this analysis utilizes only the 2020 CFPS data, with father’s occupation measured by the survey item: “What was your father’s specific occupation when you were 14 years old?” As presented in Table 4, Models 1 and 2 examine the impact of father’s occupational status on individual occupational status (N = 1, 990). The results demonstrate a statistically significant positive relationship (p < 0.001). Models 3 and 4 use initial occupational status as the dependent variable (N = 1, 576), with findings similarly indicating a significant effect (p < 0.001).
These consistent results confirm the robustness of the relationship between family background and occupational attainment, which enhances the reliability of the research hypothesis. Whether using mother’s education or father’s occupational status as the measure of family background, family background consistently demonstrates a significant positive impact on individual occupational status, and this holds true for initial occupational status as well.
4.2. Moderating Effect Analysis
Table 5 and Table 6 present the regression results testing the moderating effects on the relationship between family background and occupational status. In Table 5, Model 1 displays the baseline regression incorporating control variables and time-fixed effects. Model 2 to model 4 introduce the moderating effects of digital skills (digital use and digital awareness), and appearance investment, respectively. The results reveal that the interaction terms between family background and these three moderators are all positive and statistically significant (β = 0.304, p < 0.001; β = 1.082, p < 0.001; β = 0.125, p < 0.001), indicating significant positive moderating effects. Specifically, individuals with the ability to use digital tools, higher awareness of the importance of digital information, and greater investment in personal appearance are better able to leverage their family background to achieve higher occupational status. These findings support hypotheses H2a, H2b, and H3.
Table 6 presents the moderating effects of the Big Five personality traits (Model 5 to model 8). The results show significant positive interactions between family background and agreeableness (β = 0.225, p < 0.05), openness (β = 0.253, p < 0.001), and conscientiousness (β = 0.517, p < 0.01). This indicates that higher levels of these personality traits strengthen the positive influence of family background on occupational status. Consequently, hypotheses H4a, H4b, and H4d are supported. The other hypotheses H4c and H4d, however, are not corroborated by the findings: neither extraversion nor neuroticism demonstrated a significant moderating effect on the relationship between family background and occupational status.
5. Summary and Discussion
Using pooled data from the 2018 and 2020 waves of the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), this study examines the impact of family background on individual occupational status and explores the moderating roles of cognitive and non-cognitive abilities within a behavioral framework. The results show that family background exerts a significant and persistent positive effect on both initial and current occupational status, highlighting the enduring nature of intergenerational inequality. Individuals from more advantaged families are more likely to obtain higher-status occupations at labor market entry and maintain these advantages over time, suggesting that early structural advantages continue to shape long-term career trajectories (Becker et al., 2018).
The findings provide important insights into the behavioral mechanisms underlying the transmission of advantage. Consistent with the New Human Capital Theory, cognitive and non-cognitive abilities significantly moderate the relationship between family background and occupational outcomes. This indicates that the translation of family resources into labor market success is not automatic but depends on individuals’ behavioral capacities, including how they perceive opportunities, make decisions, and mobilize available resources. In this sense, family background provides the “potential, ” while individual abilities determine the efficiency with which this potential is realized (Zhang, 2020). Specifically, digital skills, appearance investment, and key personality traits (agreeableness, openness, and conscientiousness) significantly strengthen the positive association between family background and occupational status. Digital skills enhance individuals’ ability to access information, adapt to technological changes, and expand career opportunities, thereby facilitating the effective utilization of family resources. Appearance investment, as a form of strategic self-presentation, improves perceived professionalism and social evaluation in workplace interactions, contributing to greater career recognition (Deng et al., 2020). Meanwhile, personality traits shape behavioral tendencies that are closely linked to labor market success: agreeableness facilitates cooperation and social support, openness enhances adaptability and innovation, and conscientiousness promotes self-discipline and goal-oriented behavior. Together, these factors illustrate that behavioral and psychological characteristics play a crucial role in amplifying the advantages associated with family background.
In contrast, the moderating effects of extraversion and neuroticism are not statistically significant. This finding suggests that not all personality traits function equally in the process of advantage transmission. Extraversion, while beneficial for social interaction, may not necessarily translate into sustained career advancement, particularly in contexts where structured skills and professional qualifications are more important than social expressiveness. Neuroticism, characterized by emotional instability and stress sensitivity, may exert a generalized negative influence on career outcomes rather than specifically interacting with family background.
Overall, this study demonstrates that occupational inequality is shaped not only by inherited family resources but also by individuals’ behavioral capacities to utilize these resources effectively. These findings highlight the importance of incorporating cognitive and non-cognitive dimensions into the analysis of social mobility and suggest that policies aimed at promoting equal opportunity should not only address structural disparities but also foster the development of individual capabilities. In the context of contemporary China, this dual perspective provides a more comprehensive understanding of how family background and individual behavior jointly shape career outcomes.
6. Practical Implications
Based on the analysis and research above, we can conclude that family background has a significant positive influence on an individual occupational status, and that cognitive and non-cognitive abilities play a moderating role in this relationship. These findings offer several important implications from three perspectives: the individual, the family, and policymakers.
First, at the individual level, it is essential for individuals to consciously develop and enhance their cognitive and non-cognitive abilities (Kröger et al., 2024). This includes improving digital literacy, cultivating positive personality traits (agreeableness, openness and conscientiousness), and investing in personal image management. Such internal capacities strengthen professional competitiveness, optimize the utility of family resources in occupational advancement, and serve as a partial buffer against the disadvantages of lower-status family backgrounds.
Second, from the family perspective, families especially those with fewer resources advantages should be encouraged to invest not only in normal educational resources, but also in the development of their children’s soft skills and broader personal competencies. Cultivation of digital skills, personal traits and self-management abilities can provide individuals with a more robust foundation for navigating future career challenges. In addition, creating a supportive family environment that values learning, adaptability, and self-development can help maximize the long-term impact of family inputs.
Finally, these findings also offer implications for policymakers and educators. Interventions aimed at reducing employment inequality should not only address disparities in family resources, but also focus on enhancing individuals’ capacity to make use of those resources effectively. On the one hand, taking measures that can help individuals compensate for disadvantages stemming from limited family backgrounds. For example, increasing investment in education in economically underdeveloped areas can improve access to quality educational resources for disadvantaged groups. This includes building schools, providing modern teaching equipment, and offering financial aid and scholarships (Tzannatos, 1999). On the other hand, programs that provide career preparation and support the development of soft skills can serve as effective tools for narrowing opportunity gaps and promoting more equitable occupational mobility across different social groups.
7. Limitations and Directions for Further Research
This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the mechanisms through which family background influences employment outcomes remain underexplored. The research does not provide a comprehensive examination of how family background affects occupational status, leaving potential pathways inadequately tested. Future studies could employ methods such as surveys to investigate these mechanisms in greater depth, particularly how family background shapes individuals’ behavioral patterns and cognitive frameworks, thereby influencing their career trajectories. For instance, existing research indicates that individuals from lower social classes are more susceptible to impostor syndrome, a psychological pattern in which they doubt their accomplishments and fear being exposed as frauds, leading to a lack of confidence during job searches and potentially poorer employment outcomes (Phelan, 2024). This phenomenon is also observed from the employer’s perspective. For example, hiring managers may perceive candidates from working-class backgrounds as exhibiting less disjoint agency, such as lower levels of confidence and decisiveness in simulated interviews, making them appear less hirable (Sharps & Anderson, 2021).
Second, the study primarily relies on the father’s educational attainment as the measure of family background, overlooking maternal variables. In particular, the independent influence of the mother’s education and occupational status on children’s educational and career development has received limited attention, having been examined only in robustness checks. This omission does not imply that the mother’s role is unimportant. Rather, it reflects the conventional approach in much of the existing literature, which often treats the father’s socioeconomic status as a more representative indicator of overall family background. Commonly used paternal variables include employment status, workplace characteristics, occupation type, and educational attainment, which are considered key factors influencing offspring’s occupational status. Future research should compare the distinct effects of maternal and paternal background on children’s career outcomes, thereby offering deeper insights into parental differences in intergenerational mobility.
Third, the study lacks exploration of situational-level moderating variables. While cognitive and non-cognitive abilities are identified as positive moderators at the individual level, situational factors that may alter the relationship between family background and career outcomes remain unexamined. Future research could investigate such moderators. For instance, parental marital status may influence how effectively family resources promote career development. Recent evidence suggests that children of highly educated parents may experience unique disadvantages in human capital accumulation when parental divorce occurs, as the disruption can outweigh the benefits of self-efficacy and interrupt the intergenerational transmission of human capital advantages (Andric et al., 2024). Job type represents another potential moderator. Individuals from lower social strata are often perceived as more communal, demonstrating traits such as warmth, kindness, and helpfulness that facilitate social bonding. Conversely, those from higher strata are typically viewed as more agentic, exhibiting independence and assertiveness that support task accomplishment. Consequently, individuals from less advantaged backgrounds might achieve better outcomes in communal occupations where their perceived social strengths are valued, while those from more privileged backgrounds may excel in autonomous professions that reward their perceived competence and agency.
Author Contributions
Conceptualization, M.W.; methodology, Y.L.; software, Y.L.; validation, Y.Z.; formal analysis, Y.L.; writing—original draft preparation, Y.L.; writing—review and editing, Z.W & M.W. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding
This research was funded by the National Natural Science Foundation of China, grant number 72072014.
Institutional Review Board Statement
Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement
Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement
The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors on request.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
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Table 1.
Descriptive statistics.
| Variable | Mean | SD | Min | Max |
| Family background | 2.048 | 1.085 | 1 | 6 |
| Occupational status | 34.614 | 14.892 | 19 | 88 |
| Digital use | 0.624 | 0.484 | 0 | 1 |
| Digital awareness | 3.292 | 1.593 | 1 | 5 |
| Appearance investment | 5.233 | 2.437 | 0 | 11.00 |
| Agreeableness | 3.815 | 0.595 | 1 | 5 |
| Openness | 3.194 | 0.841 | 1 | 5 |
| Extraversion | 3.336 | 0.698 | 1 | 5 |
| Conscientiousness | 3.865 | 0.628 | 1 | 5 |
| Neuroticism | 2.960 | 0.724 | 1 | 5 |
| Age | 44.147 | 13.003 | 16 | 70 |
| Gender | 0.573 | 0.495 | 0 | 1 |
| Hukou | 0.229 | 0.420 | 0 | 1 |
| Education | 3.034 | 1.448 | 0 | 1 |
| Marriage | 0.803 | 0.398 | 0 | 1 |
| Region | 0.406 | 0.491 | 0 | 1 |
Note. N=27306. Descriptive statistics based on cross-sections from the survey-years 2018 and 2020.
Table 2.
Regression results of family background on occupational status.
| ISEI | Initial ISEI | |||||
| Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | Model 4 | Model 5 | Model 6 | |
| Family background | 0.468*** (6.44) |
0.473*** (6.50) |
0.371*** (4.75) |
0.370*** (4.74) |
||
| Age | -0.144*** (-21.60) | -0.138*** (-20.30) |
-0.136*** (-19.93) |
-0.099*** (-13.76) |
-0.092*** (-12.53) |
-0.092*** (-12.55) |
| Gender | -1.164*** (-8.30) |
-1.122*** (-8.01) |
-1.135*** (-8.10) |
-2.308*** (-15.46) |
-2.286*** (-15.31) |
-2.284*** (-15.30) |
| Hukou | 5.064*** (27.72) |
4.915*** (26.67) |
4.902*** (26.61) |
4.370*** (22.18) |
4.253*** (21.43) |
4.255*** (21.43) |
| Education | 5.131*** (83.29) |
5.010*** (79.14) |
5.030*** (79.26) |
4.886*** (74.05) |
4.807*** (70.69) |
4.803*** (70.41) |
| Marriage | -0.310 (-1.57) |
-0.354 (-1.79) |
-0.338 (-1.71) |
-0.688** (-3.10) |
-0.700*** (-3.16) |
-0.701*** (-3.17) |
| Region | 1.0100*** (7.75) |
1.067*** (7.53) |
1.059*** (7.48) |
0.310* (2.05) |
0.279 (1.84) |
0.280 (1.85) |
| Constant |
25*** (62.40) |
23.929*** (56.00) |
24.016*** (56.15) |
23.976*** (54.18) |
23.213*** (49.22) |
23.180*** (49.00) |
| Year-fixed | No | No | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes |
| Observations | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 | 21208 | 21208 | 21208 |
| R2 | 0.1125 | 0.4178 | 0.4182 | 0.102 | 0.398 | 0.398 |
Note. * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, ***p<0.001. T-statistics are reported in parentheses.
Table 3.
Robustness test using mother’s education.
| ISEI | Initial ISEI | |||||
| Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | Model 4 | Model 5 | Model 6 | |
| Family background (Mother’s education) |
0.493*** (5.53) |
0.493*** (5.54) |
0.326*** (3.33) |
0.326*** (3.33) |
||
| Age | -0.146*** (-21.39) |
-0.138*** (-19.70) |
-0.136*** (-19.29) |
-0.097*** (-13.26) |
-0.092*** (-12.21) |
-0.092*** (-12.24) |
| Gender | -1.16*** (-8.09) |
-1.110*** (-7.73) |
-1.127*** (-7.85) |
-2.327*** (-15.25) |
-2.291*** (-14.98) |
-2.288*** (-14.96) |
| Hukou | 5.055*** (27.18) |
4.881*** (25.89) |
4.867*** (25.82) |
4.290*** (21.40) |
4.184*** (20.62) |
4.186*** (20.63) |
| Education | 5.140*** (81.94) |
5.055*** (78.33) |
5.077*** (78.47) |
4.920*** (73.04) |
4.863*** (69.99) |
4.858*** (69.71) |
| Marriage | -0.289 (-1.43) |
-0.274 (-1.36) |
-0.256 (-1.27) |
-0.642** (-2.84) |
-0.627** (-2.78) |
-0.629** (-2.79) |
| Region | 1.129 *** (7.80) |
1.086*** (7.49) |
1.078*** (7.44) |
0.327* (2.12) |
0.302 (1.95) |
0.303 (1.96) |
| Constant | 24.778 *** (60.63) |
23.898*** (54.52) |
-0.631*** (-4.43) |
23.833*** (52.97) |
23.243*** (48.08) |
0.135*** (0.89) |
| Year-fixed | No | No | Yes | No | No | Yes |
| Observations | 26427 | 26427 | 26427 | 20502 | 20502 | 20502 |
| R2 | 0.4158 | 0.4165 | 0.4169 | 0.3969 | 0.3973 | 0.3973 |
Note. * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, ***p<0.001. T-statistics are reported in parentheses.
Table 4.
Robustness test using father’s occupational status.
| ISEI | Initial ISEI | |||
| Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | Model 4 | |
| Family background (Father’s occupational status) |
0.065*** (3.26) |
0.068** (3.09) |
||
| Age | -0.082** (-3.17) |
-0.090*** (-3.46) |
-0.093*** (-3.48) |
-0.105*** (-3.69) |
| Gender | -2.896*** (-5.47) |
-2.863*** (-5.42) |
-2.828*** (-5.03) |
-2.351*** (-3.94) |
| Hukou | 2.500*** (3.76) |
2.075** (3.07) |
3.205*** (4.58) |
2.265** (3.00) |
| Education | 6.197*** (27.91) |
6.063*** (26.92) |
5.217*** (22.02) |
5.989*** (23.40) |
| Marriage | 1.374* (2.08) |
1.465* (2.22) |
0.516 (0.75) |
1.456* (1.98) |
| Region | 1.564** (2.93) |
1.462*** (2.74) |
0.815 (1.46) |
1.461* (2.46) |
| Constant | 18.256*** (13.01) |
17.103*** (11.85) |
22.075*** (14.80) |
17.493*** (10.73) |
| Observations | 1990 | 1990 | 1576 | 1576 |
| R2 | 0.4276 | 0.4306 | 0.3904 | 0.4240 |
Note. * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, ***p<0.001. T-statistics are reported in parentheses.
Table 5.
Moderating effects of digital skills and appearance investment.
| Variables | ISEI | |||
| Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | Model 4 | |
| Family background | 0.473*** (6.50) |
0.310*** (0.074) |
0.335*** (0.074) |
0.382*** (0.073) |
| Digital use | 2.772*** (0.186) |
|||
| Family background× Digital use |
1.082*** (0.152) |
|||
| Digital awareness |
0.811*** (0.053) |
|||
| Family background× Digital awareness |
0.304*** (0.044) |
|||
| Appearance investment | 0.489*** (0.030) |
|||
| Family background× Appearance investment |
0.125*** (0.027) |
|||
| Control variables | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes |
| Year-fixed | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes |
| Observations | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 |
| R2 | 0.418 | 0.422 | 0.423 | 0.423 |
Note. * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, ***p<0.001. T-statistics are reported in parentheses.
Table 6.
Moderating effects of Big Five personality traits.
| Variables | ISEI | ||||
| Model 5 | Model 6 | Model 7 | Model 8 | Model 9 | |
| Family background | 0.468*** (0.073) |
0.445*** (0.073) |
0.476*** (0.073) |
0.483*** (0.073) |
0.464*** (0.07) |
| Agreeableness | 0.300 (0.116) |
||||
| Family background× Agreeableness |
0.225** (0.106) |
||||
| Openness | 0.694*** (0.083) |
||||
| Family background× Openness |
0.253*** (0.076) |
||||
| Extraversion |
0.328*** (0.098) |
||||
| Family background× Extraversion |
0.052 (0.090) |
||||
| Conscientiousness | 0.517*** (0.112) |
||||
| Family background× Conscientiousness |
0.213* (0.101) |
||||
| Neuroticism |
-0.409*** (0.097) |
||||
| Family background× Neuroticism |
-0.044 (0.087) |
||||
| Control variables | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes |
| Year-fixed | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes | Yes |
| Observations | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 | 27306 |
| R2 | 0.418 | 0.419 | 0.418 | 0.418 | 0.418 |
Note. * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, ***p<0.001. T-statistics are reported in parentheses.
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