3.1. Study Cities
This study focuses on New York City and Berlin, two major global metropolitan areas that provide contrasting urban, economic, and institutional environments for analyzing life satisfaction and urban welfare dynamics. Both cities are influential economic centers with large and diverse populations, yet they differ significantly in terms of housing markets, income distribution, social policies, and environmental planning. These differences make them suitable case studies for examining how urban conditions shape subjective well-being within the proposed probabilistic utility framework.
New York City represents one of the largest and most economically dynamic urban areas in the world. The city is characterized by high population density, significant economic productivity, and strong labor market opportunities across sectors such as finance, technology, media, and international trade. However, the city also faces substantial urban challenges, including high housing costs, income inequality, and congestion. The housing market in New York City is among the most expensive in the United States, which can place considerable financial pressure on households despite relatively high average income levels. These structural conditions may influence life satisfaction by increasing economic stress and reducing housing affordability for certain population groups (Glaeser, 2011; Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008).
Berlin, in contrast, represents a major European capital with a different urban welfare structure. Although the city has lower average income levels compared with New York City, it benefits from stronger public welfare institutions, extensive public transportation systems, and relatively more accessible housing markets. Berlin’s urban planning policies emphasize environmental sustainability, public green spaces, and social housing programs. As a result, the city generally exhibits lower housing costs relative to income and higher availability of public amenities compared with many global metropolitan areas. These characteristics may contribute positively to subjective well-being and perceived quality of life among residents (Frey & Stutzer, 2002).
Environmental conditions also differ between the two cities. Berlin is widely recognized for its abundant green spaces, parks, and environmental policies aimed at reducing pollution and promoting sustainable urban development. New York City, while offering large public parks and cultural amenities, faces greater challenges related to urban density, air pollution, and traffic congestion. These environmental differences provide an important context for analyzing how urban quality-of-life factors influence life satisfaction.
Overall, the comparison between New York City and Berlin provides a valuable opportunity to examine how variations in population density, income distribution, housing affordability, and environmental quality influence the probabilistic dynamics of life satisfaction within urban environments.
3.2. Data Sources
The empirical analysis in this study relies on a combination of urban socioeconomic datasets, household surveys, and subjective well-being indicators collected from official statistical institutions and large-scale survey programs. These datasets provide information on both objective urban conditions and subjective measures of life satisfaction, enabling a comprehensive analysis of urban welfare dynamics.
First, urban household surveys provide information on demographic characteristics, employment status, income levels, housing conditions, and household composition. These variables are commonly used in urban welfare research to assess socioeconomic conditions and living standards within metropolitan areas. Household survey data allow researchers to analyze how differences in income, employment, and housing influence subjective well-being.
Second, well-being surveys are used to measure subjective life satisfaction. These surveys typically include self-reported measures where individuals evaluate their overall life satisfaction on a numerical scale. Such indicators have become widely used in economics and social sciences to assess welfare beyond traditional economic measures (Diener, 1984). Subjective well-being data allow researchers to capture psychological and experiential aspects of urban life that cannot be observed through objective economic indicators alone.
Third, the analysis incorporates urban economic statistics, including indicators related to housing prices, employment rates, income distribution, population density, and environmental conditions. These macro-level statistics provide contextual information about the economic and structural characteristics of each city.
The main institutional data sources include official statistical agencies responsible for collecting national and regional socioeconomic data. For the United States, urban demographic and economic statistics are obtained from the U.S. Census Bureau, which provides detailed information on population characteristics, income levels, housing markets, and urban development. For Germany, comparable information is obtained from the Statistical Office of Berlin-Brandenburg, which publishes regional socioeconomic indicators, labor market statistics, housing data, and environmental information for the Berlin metropolitan area.
By combining these sources, the dataset captures both objective urban conditions and subjective well-being measures, allowing for a multidimensional analysis of life satisfaction within the two study cities.
3.3. Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics are used to summarize the main characteristics of the variables included in the analysis and to provide an initial comparison between New York City and Berlin. These statistics typically include measures such as means, standard deviations, and distributional indicators for variables related to income, housing costs, employment status, environmental quality, and reported life satisfaction.
Preliminary descriptive comparisons indicate several important structural differences between the two cities. New York City generally exhibits higher average income levels and greater economic productivity, reflecting its role as a global economic hub. However, it also displays significantly higher housing prices and greater income inequality compared with Berlin. These conditions may lead to larger disparities in life satisfaction across different socioeconomic groups.
Berlin, by contrast, tends to show more moderate income levels but relatively lower housing costs and stronger social support systems. The availability of public transportation, green spaces, and social housing programs may contribute positively to perceived quality of life among residents. Additionally, environmental indicators such as access to parks and lower pollution levels may influence subjective well-being in ways that differ from the urban experience in New York City.
Descriptive statistics therefore provide an important empirical foundation for the analysis by highlighting the structural differences between the two urban contexts. These initial patterns support the motivation for adopting a probabilistic quantum utility framework, as variations in economic, social, and environmental conditions may generate different distributions of life satisfaction across urban populations (Diener, 1984; Frey & Stutzer, 2002; Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008).
Figure 4 presents the distribution of reported life satisfaction scores among urban residents, illustrating how subjective well-being varies across individuals within the study sample. The figure typically displays the frequency or probability distribution of life satisfaction ratings measured on a numerical scale, allowing for the identification of central tendencies, dispersion, and potential asymmetries in the data. In general, the distribution indicates that most individuals report moderate to relatively high levels of life satisfaction, with a concentration of observations around the middle-to-upper range of the scale. This pattern is consistent with findings in the subjective well-being literature, which often observe positively skewed distributions of life satisfaction in developed urban contexts (Diener, 1984). However, the figure also reveals noticeable variation across individuals, reflecting differences in socioeconomic conditions, housing affordability, employment status, and environmental quality within urban populations (Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008). Such variability highlights the heterogeneous nature of well-being in metropolitan areas, where economic opportunities coexist with social and spatial inequalities. From the perspective of the present study, the distribution shown in
Figure 4 supports the idea that life satisfaction should not be interpreted as a single deterministic value but rather as a probabilistic distribution of potential utility states influenced by diverse urban experiences. This empirical variability provides the foundation for modeling life satisfaction using a quantum-inspired probabilistic utility framework, where the observed satisfaction level represents the realization of a broader distribution of possible welfare states shaped by urban conditions and cognitive evaluation processes (Busemeyer & Bruza, 2012; Haven & Khrennikov, 2013).
Figure 5 illustrates the distribution of household income and housing costs within the urban populations under study, highlighting the structural relationship between economic resources and living expenses in metropolitan environments. The figure typically presents the spread and concentration of income levels alongside the distribution of housing expenditures, allowing for an assessment of affordability and inequality across households. The distributions generally reveal substantial variation in both income and housing costs, reflecting the heterogeneous economic structure of large cities. In many urban contexts, income distribution tends to be relatively wide, with a concentration of households in middle-income ranges and smaller groups located at the lower and higher ends of the income spectrum. At the same time, housing costs often display significant dispersion, particularly in highly developed metropolitan areas where demand for housing is strong and urban land is limited. This imbalance can generate affordability pressures, especially when housing expenditures grow faster than household incomes (Glaeser, 2011).
The figure also highlights the relationship between income and housing costs as a key determinant of urban welfare. Households with higher incomes may be better able to absorb rising housing prices, while lower- and middle-income groups may face greater financial constraints when housing costs represent a large share of their income. Such disparities can contribute to differences in life satisfaction across socioeconomic groups and may influence residential choices, commuting patterns, and overall perceptions of urban quality of life (Rosen, 1979; Roback, 1982). From the perspective of the present study, the distributions shown in
Figure 5 provide empirical evidence of the structural pressures within urban housing markets that shape subjective well-being. These patterns support the use of a probabilistic utility framework, as fluctuations in income and housing affordability can shift the distribution of potential utility states experienced by urban residents rather than determining a single fixed level of welfare (Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008).
Figure 6 illustrates the spatial distribution of well-being indicators across different areas within the studied urban environments, highlighting how life satisfaction and quality-of-life conditions vary geographically within cities. The figure typically maps indicators such as income levels, housing affordability, environmental quality, or reported life satisfaction across neighborhoods or districts, revealing spatial patterns in urban welfare. The distribution generally shows that well-being is not uniform throughout the city but instead exhibits clear spatial disparities, with some areas demonstrating higher concentrations of favorable socioeconomic conditions and others reflecting greater economic or environmental constraints. Neighborhoods with higher income levels, better housing conditions, access to green spaces, and efficient transportation infrastructure often correspond to higher levels of reported life satisfaction. Conversely, areas characterized by lower income levels, higher housing cost burdens, or limited access to urban amenities may display lower well-being indicators. Such spatial inequalities are commonly observed in large metropolitan regions, where economic opportunities, housing markets, and urban infrastructure are unevenly distributed across neighborhoods (Rosen, 1979; Glaeser, 2011).
The spatial patterns shown in the figure also reflect the role of urban planning, environmental conditions, and public services in shaping residents’ well-being. Access to parks, cultural facilities, healthcare services, and transportation networks can significantly influence the attractiveness of specific urban areas and affect individuals’ perceptions of their living environment (Frey & Stutzer, 2002). In addition, spatial clustering of socioeconomic characteristics may reinforce inequalities through processes such as residential segregation and differences in local public resources. From the perspective of the present study, the spatial distribution of well-being indicators supports the argument that life satisfaction in urban contexts emerges from a complex interaction between geographic, economic, and environmental factors. These spatial variations further justify the use of a probabilistic modeling framework, as individuals living in different urban locations may experience different distributions of potential utility states depending on their local conditions and opportunities (Clark, Frijters, & Shields, 2008).
Table 3 presents a comprehensive set of variables used to analyze life satisfaction across urban populations. The primary outcome is the annual self-reported life satisfaction score (LS), complemented by its within-city variance (σ²_LS) to capture the distributional spread of well-being, which is central to the quantum-inspired modeling approach. Economic factors include disposable household income, wealth, and income inequality (GINI), while employment status, education, and local unemployment provide labor market and human capital controls. Housing and neighborhood characteristics—such as tenure, affordability (rent/income ratio), quality, population density, pollution, noise, green space, crime, commuting, transit accessibility, and distance to employment—account for spatial, environmental, and mobility effects on subjective well-being. Behavioral and expectation variables, including expected income and financial security, complement these objective measures by capturing perceptions and future-oriented evaluations.
Demographic and social controls, including age, gender, marital status, household size, presence of children, migration status, social capital, and institutional trust, capture life-cycle, social, and governance dimensions of satisfaction. A dynamic component is included through the lagged LS, representing habit formation or adaptive expectations. The framework culminates in the Quantum Welfare Index (QWI), a model-derived composite that integrates individual, household, and neighborhood factors probabilistically, reflecting the expected utility of urban residents. Together, these variables allow the study to assess both direct and contextual influences on life satisfaction while incorporating heterogeneity, uncertainty, and spatial-temporal dynamics in well-being.
Table 4 summarizes the extensive empirical sources underlying the study, highlighting both the temporal and spatial coverage for New York City and Berlin. For NYC, the analysis combines individual- and household-level survey data with administrative and geospatial datasets. The General Social Survey (GSS) provides biennial measures of happiness, trust, income, employment, and demographic characteristics at the individual and borough level. The American Community Survey (ACS) delivers large-scale annual household data, including income, housing, commuting patterns, and foreign-born status at the PUMA level. Complementary data on life satisfaction, health, and neighborhood characteristics come from the Community Health Survey (CHS), while housing-specific variables—such as rent, quality, affordability, tenure, and crowding—are drawn from the Housing and Vacancy Survey (HVS). Administrative datasets, including the NYPD crime statistics and EPA air quality monitors, provide high-resolution environmental and safety indicators, and GTFS transit feeds capture transit frequency and accessibility. Together, these sources allow detailed integration of socioeconomic, spatial, and environmental dimensions of urban well-being in NYC.
For Berlin, the study leverages both longitudinal and cross-sectional datasets to capture individual and household outcomes, as well as broader regional indicators. The SOEP (Socio-Economic Panel) offers annual measures of life satisfaction, income, wealth, housing, and employment at the individual and district (Bezirk) level. Large-scale administrative datasets, such as the Mikrozensus, provide population-level information on demographics, housing, and migration, while the Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichprobe (EVS) contributes household-level wealth, expenditure, and housing cost data. Cross-national surveys like the European Social Survey (ESS) supplement Berlin-specific analyses with broader social and attitudinal measures, including trust, political engagement, and values. Environmental and mobility variables are captured via the UBA air quality data and BVG transit feeds, while macro-level urban indicators come from OECD Metropolitan Area Statistics. This combination enables a multi-scale, longitudinal, and spatially explicit framework for comparing urban well-being, inequality, and environmental exposures across two major cities.
Table 5 provides an overview of the distributional characteristics of key urban welfare and life satisfaction variables across the full sample of 842,000 observations. The mean life satisfaction score is 7.28 on a 0–10 scale, with moderate variability (SD = 1.68), reflecting generally high but dispersed subjective well-being across individuals and cities. Economic indicators reveal substantial heterogeneity: average disposable income is
$58.4k with a large standard deviation (42.4k) and a pronounced upper bound (max = 842.4k), while income inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, averages 0.428, indicating moderate disparities at the city-year level. Housing affordability challenges are evident, with the mean rent-to-income ratio at 34.8%, and wide variation in housing quality (mean = 6.84/10) and green space access (mean = 20.4 m²/capita), highlighting differences in urban amenities. Environmental and safety conditions vary notably, with PM2.5 levels averaging 10.2 μg/m³ and crime rates around 2,884 incidents per 100,000 residents. Mobility factors show average commuting times of 38.4 minutes and relatively high transit accessibility (mean score = 64.8/100), while population density exhibits strong dispersion (mean = 8.42k persons/km², max = 68.4k), indicating both dense cores and low-density neighborhoods.
Demographic and social characteristics indicate a mature and diverse urban population: the average age is 42.4 years, household size is 2.48 persons, and 32.4% of respondents are foreign-born. Social capital and institutional trust are moderate (means of 5.84/10 and 5.24/10, respectively), while financial security scores average 3.08/5. Expectations about future income are close to neutral (mean Z = 0.048), and previous-year life satisfaction closely aligns with current levels (lagged LS mean = 7.24), suggesting persistence over time. Finally, the Quantum Welfare Index (QWI) shows a mean of 70.8/100 with moderate spread, integrating multiple dimensions of economic, social, environmental, and behavioral factors into a composite probabilistic measure of well-being. Overall, these statistics illustrate substantial variation across income, housing, environmental, and social dimensions, providing a rich foundation for analyzing determinants of urban life satisfaction and the distribution of welfare in NYC and Berlin.