Abstract: In this study, I examine economic disobedience as a potent form of resistance within the North West Region of Cameroon, where targeted boycotts and informal trade networks actively challenge the authority of the central state. Drawing on fieldwork conducted from March to June 2023 in key areas of the North West Region of Cameroon, focusing on economic disobedience and informal trade, in-depth interviews, and local financial data analysis, this paper adopts an analytical framework rooted in the theories of monetary sovereignty and resistance economies as articulated by Scott (1985) and Bayart (1993). This approach illuminates how communities in this region mobilize economic defiance in response to perceived state neglect and governance inadequacies.The findings reveal that boycotts against enterprises and commodities associated with the state have evolved from spontaneous acts of dissent into organized economic strategies that serve as symbolic rejections of state control. These boycotts represent a calculated form of economic independence, manifesting as a collective, politicized decision to withdraw participation from economic channels regulated by the state, which local actors perceive as oppressive. Furthermore, the research sheds light on the role of informal trade networks, especially those facilitating cross-border transactions with Nigeria, as alternative economic systems that bypass official state mechanisms. Such networks effectively mitigate critical supply shortages, circumvent state-imposed tariffs and taxes, and undermine the government’s regulatory influence over the region’s economy.These forms of economic disobedience expand upon the notion of resistance economies (Scott, 1985; Bayart, 1993), framing "economic disobedience" as intentional acts of defiance that assert economic sovereignty and agency, thereby undermining state authority and destabilizing formal economic systems within the region. While rooted in pragmatic economic responses to state marginalization, this defiance enhances the fragility of state power in areas where informal economies are deeply embedded, and formal compliance remains insubstantial. These findings invite a reconsideration of economic governance approaches in politically contested regions, demonstrating that alternative economies and systematic disobedience not only disrupt formal economic structures but also empower marginalized communities to re-envision their economic agency and autonomy. Thus, this study makes a substantive contribution to the discourse on resistance economies, illustrating how economic dissent can destabilize state structures and redefine local conceptions of authority and independence. It also advances defiant scholarship in Africa by highlighting grassroots economic resistance as a reimagining of agency and power in postcolonial contexts.

Abstract: Along with economic and political implications, the BRI has massive environmental consequences. China's state enterprises and private companies are the major financiers of BRI. This research is aimed at identifying the environmental impact of the BRI, particularly on exacerbating the climate change crises. The analysis revealed that BRI is responsible for a wide range of environmental issues owing to weak environmental safety policies and carbon-intensive practices. The study found a strong positive correlation between the BRI (Belt and Road Initiative) Vision and its implementation regarding the BRI project compatibility with the environment. It was also found that Environmental Change and Development, Economic Prosperity, and Geopolitical Stability were the predictors of BRI implementation, while Environmental Stability was not the predictor of BRI implementation, which means the BRI project can have concerns regarding environmental stability, i.e., security concerns, BRI-countries cooperation, and other factors. The policy guidelines for environmentally friendly and "green BRI", issued by Chinese officials, are entirely voluntary. To mitigate this situation, the Chinese government must formulate environmentally friendly policies along the lines of its domestic design. Theory of Politics was used as a theoretical framework. This paper presents a broad assessment of BRI's impact on the environment, examining implementation as well as practices and policies.

Abstract: The Asia-Pacific region contains almost half of the planet’s coastal carbon-sequestering (blue carbon) environments. These habitats (mangroves, salt marshes, seagrasses) are highly valuable for their biodiversity and climate change mitigation potential, but are under threat throughout the region, due in significant part to an insufficient policy environment to protect and restore coastal wetlands/blue-carbon environments. After reviewing 139 relevant articles (identified using SCOPUS and references from the Blue Carbon Handbook, reduced from 403 articles using a series of rejection criteria), we found 27% of papers discuss land tenure/ownership issues, 65% discuss the funding of coastal wetlands, and 40% discuss conflicting jurisdictions and priorities between agencies. Of these studies, 65% were global studies, with Indonesia (8%), and Australia (7%) being the most welldocumented countries. We supplemented our review with a series of practitioner consultations that revealed similar perspectives to the literature findings.

Abstract: Political fragmentation in Africa lead to a significant challenge to effective governance and stability. Traditional measures of party system fragmentation, such as the Effective Number of Parties (ENP) index, often fail to capture the nuanced realities of African political landscapes, particularly the influence of dominant parties, fluid party affiliations, and the impact of ethnic and regional cleavages. To address these limitations, this paper introduces two novel, \emph{"apolitical"} or \emph{institutional} metrics for calculating the effective number of parties, focusing on geographical and demographic dimensions, including population size and land area. By integrating these local realities and ensuring a minimum threshold of two parties, the proposed models offer a simpler, more contextually relevant framework for understanding political dynamics in Africa, especially in data-scarce environments. This approach provides a valuable tool for analyzing and rationalizing political systems, with potential for broader application beyond the African context.

Abstract: Growing power of far-right parties in Sweden and other European countries has led to a more divisive politics on climate change. A far-right populist nativist party is currently holding tangible powers, dictating the ambitions, content and process of Swedish climate politics. In less than two years, Swedish climate politics have turned into an antidemocratic politics with increasing greenhouse gas emissions. This paper analyses the increasingly divisive nature of Swedish climate politics, with focus on the use of hateful and threatening rhetoric – nasty rhetoric. Based on empirical data from 114 newspapers, magazines, radio, television and social media, as well as insights from research in neurobiology, psychology, sociology and political science, this paper explores and explains the use and nature of nasty rhetoric, using contemporary Swedish climate politics as a case study. It is found that leading (far) right-wing politicians portray climate science as “a point of view”, green politicians as “strawmen” that should be “killed”, female climate journalists as “left pack” and “moron hags” that “will be raped”, and the climate justice movement as “totalitarian terrorists” and “a threat to Swedish democracy” that should be “sent to prison” and “executed”. Nasty rhetoric is used not only by anonymous trolls in social media, but openly by the prime minister, cabinet ministers and leading parliamentarians educated in libertarianism or affiliated with the far-right populist party. Their use of nasty rhetoric can be described as a double-edged sword, aiming to silence the opponents to the current paradigm shift in Swedish climate policy, but also for mobilising followers through conspiracy theories of symbolic threats and expand the weird sport of nasty rhetoric. People persuaded to follow and continue using nasty rhetoric are influenced by social processes but also determined by dark personality traits. The opposition is also using hateful rhetoric, but of a less aggressive nature, to reveal far-right populist climate policy and politicians as a naked emperor.

Abstract: This article focuses on the COVID-19 pandemic, which simultaneously served as a stark reminder of our interconnectedness and shared vulnerability, while also exposing inequalities between people in their risk to the disease. However, the paper argues that the global response to the pandemic, particularly in vaccine distribution, has also revealed deep-rooted structural inequalities among nations, thus undermining the promise and theory of global citizenship. This article therefore critically assesses the significance of global citizenship as well as vaccine nationalism by reviewing existing literature in three countries in the context of the pandemic, and suggests that the concept of glocal citizenship is more appropriate as a means to tackle present and future global challenges, while acknowledging the limitations of the concept. By exploring the potential of glocal citizenship, this article seeks to address global health inequality and foster a more inclusive and equitable response to global crises.

Abstract: Background: Improving energy efficiency on a global scale is crucial to meet climate targets of the Paris Agreement and the UN sustainable development goal on ensuring access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all. Energy efficiency is considered the first fuel in the clean energy transition. Contextualising this narrative, the energy efficiency first principle (EE1) was introduced as a concept in EU climate policy in 2015. EE1 was made legally binding in the EU in 2023, to be applied in policy, planning and investment decisions across all sectors that affect the energy system. Understanding the process through which new legislation is developed and adopted is important for understanding the policy itself. Understanding the policy process of EE1 is particularly important since it introduces a paradigm shift in EU energy and climate policy and provides better knowledge of transformative policy change which is of general importance for policy and governance towards a clean energy transition. Results: This paper determines the decade-long policy process and the agency of policy entrepreneurs to make EE1 legally binding. Based on qualitative text analysis of policy documents, position papers and reports from EU negotiations, combined with interviews of key actors, the study shows how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well as the European Commission were critical policy entrepreneurs in the process. NGOs considered the unequal treatment of energy supply and energy demand in EU energy policy to hamper efficient use of the energy system and suggested the EE1 principle to overcome this problem. Using linking strategies, relational management strategies, arena strategies, etcetera, NGOs persuaded the European Commission to propose legislation on EE1. But the initial framing was too technical for decision-makers to understand. Successful coupling of the problem–policy package to politics was done when problem-framing was revised, also referring to the Paris Agreement on climate change and the energy crisis in Europe following Russia’s war on Ukraine. Conclusions: It is clear that coalition-building is important for policy entrepreneurs to gain broad acceptance for their policy proposals. In addition, timing and endurance of policy entrepreneurs is of great importance for coupling a problem–policy package to politics. Political decision-makers must be receptive to the problem and its policy solution. As for EE1, it took almost seven years before the politics stream was mature and receptive to the policy. But as identified, the agency of policy entrepreneurs can conceal the relations between informal and formal decision-making powers and thus reduce accountability, legitimacy and justice in policymaking.

Abstract: Digital inclusion is a critical component of sustainable e-government, ensuring equitable access to digital public services for all citizens. However, challenges such as limited digital literacy, infrastructural gaps, and institutional barriers hinder widespread adoption, particularly among marginalized populations. This study examines the key obstacles to digital inclusion in e-government and explores technology-driven and policy-based solutions. A qualitative approach was employed, integrating case studies from developed and developing nations to assess best practices and localized policy adaptations. The findings highlight that public-private partnerships, digital literacy programs, and the integration of emerging technologies—such as artificial intelligence (AI), blockchain, and cloud computing—play a crucial role in enhancing accessibility and security. Additionally, aligning digital inclusion policies with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 4 (Quality Education), SDG 9 (Industry, Innovation, and Infrastructure), SDG 10 (Reduced Inequalities), and SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions), strengthens the long-term impact of digital governance. This study emphasizes the need for governments to adopt an inclusive, multi-stakeholder approach to e-government implementation, ensuring long-term investments in accessibility, cybersecurity, and user trust. Future research should explore mixed-method approaches and comparative analyses across different socio-economic contexts to refine strategies for digital inclusion.

Abstract: Climate change represents the major challenge facing humanity in the modern era. While countries and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) have made some progress in addressing the climate crisis, there remains a flagrant blind spot in the global response: the significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions associated with livestock and animal-based food consumption. This Article critically explores how selected IGOs working directly or indirectly on climate change address the livestock industry and its GHG emissions. It employs a qualitative documentary and bibliographical methodology. More specifically, we analyze the following institutions: the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Secretariat, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the Food and Agriculture Organization, and the European Union. One of the conclusions is that three of the four IGOs have neglected the real impact of livestock on climate change. Even though the cultural, psychological, political, and economic obstacles to including the livestock sector in climate mitigation efforts are significant, IGOs could help overcome them if they fulfill their potential role in promoting the necessary global dietary shift.

Abstract: In many societies, government welfare programs are designed to assist vulnerable populations, including the poor, war veterans, and disaster survivors. These initiatives aim to provide essential services such as food, medical care, housing, and education, with the overarching goal of improving the quality of life for those in need. Despite the altruistic intentions behind these schemes, they frequently face criticism for inefficiencies in their administration. A prevalent concern is that the individuals responsible for managing these programs often exhibit apathy or condescension toward beneficiaries, further exacerbating the challenges faced by marginalized groups. The reasons behind such inefficiencies can be multifaceted, encompassing bureaucratic red tape, lack of training, and insufficient resources, which hinder effective service delivery. Additionally, insights from psychological and sociological theories suggest that a hierarchical mindset within organizations can lead to dehumanization, where administrators fail to recognize the dignity and individuality of those they serve. This disconnect can foster a culture of indifference, where beneficiaries are viewed as mere statistics rather than as real people with distinct needs. To better understand these dynamics, through empirical observations and case studies this paper will explore and highlight both the successes and shortcomings of various welfare schemes. By examining the interplay between organizational structures and individual behaviours, the analysis aims to validate or challenge the hypothesis that administrative inefficiencies and attitudes significantly impact the effectiveness of welfare programs, ultimately shedding light on potential pathways for reform.

Abstract: Achieving economic growth and inclusive development for all are among policymakers' priorities. There is a growing recognition of the threat to stability posed by prolonged political grievances and a prevailing fragile state in Somaliland, often marked by serious internal conflict with the potential to destabilize the state further. This study highlights the importance of examining the determinants of state stability and leading national development goals. It aims to explain the nexus between instability and the decline of institutional factors that adversely influence economic growth and development by describing major political events in Somaliland from 2022–2023. The nexus between leading sustainable development and stability is critical because stability is a prerequisite for inclusive development, particularly in social, human, and cultural dimensions. Instability, in all its forms and levels, remains a major concern that hampers continuity and incremental progress toward economic growth, social inclusion, human development, and effective state institutions. The study concludes that institutional and structural instability, frequent cabinet reshuffles, and two composite indicators of political instability significantly influence economic growth, impacting Somaliland’s economic growth and development initiatives.

Abstract: Navigating Ontological Insecurity: Ideological Instability and Identity Confusion in Bangladesh Abstract The article delves into the ontological insecurity permeating Bangladesh, elucidating how its fluctuating ideological orientations and identity ambiguities have perpetuated national instability. By tracing the historical trajectory — from British India to East Bengal, then East Pakistan, and ultimately Bangladesh — this analysis reveals the deep-seated roots of the country’s identity crisis. The study employs a sociological lens to understand how ideological oscillations between secularism and Islamization, compounded by varying governance models, have exacerbated social fragmentation and weakened national coherence. Theoretical constructs from political science, particularly the concepts of ontological security and identity politics, are used to interpret the persistent instability in Bangladesh. The article underscores the detrimental effects of these ideological vacillations on social cohesion, manifesting in heightened sectarian tensions and a fragmented national identity. It further explores how policy instability, driven by inconsistent governance and fluctuating ideological frameworks, impedes economic development by deterring investment and diverting focus from essential reforms. Through an examination of key historical events and their socio-political repercussions, such as the impact of the partition of India and the subsequent rise of political Islam, the article highlights the tangible consequences of ontological insecurity on Bangladesh’s political and socio-economic landscape. The discussion emphasizes the imperative for a stable framework to address these issues. This includes reconciling historical and cultural elements, establishing inclusive governance structures, and fostering a cohesive national identity. By integrating insights from both sociological and political science perspectives, the article advocates for a comprehensive approach to mitigate the effects of ontological insecurity, aiming to guide Bangladesh towards a more stable and prosperous future.

Abstract:

Background: The Papua region of Indonesia presents a complex challenge for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 16, which emphasizes peace, justice, and strong institutions as foundational to sustainable development. Persistent security issues, fueled by the activities of Papua Separatist Groups, have disrupted governance, infrastructure, and societal well-being. These groups, designated as separatist organizations by the Indonesian government, frequently target civilians, public facilities, and security personnel, exacerbating instability and impeding development efforts. Despite implementing measures such as military operations, coercive diplomacy, and the provision of Special Autonomy Funds, the conflict persists, highlighting the limitations of current approaches in addressing the region’s socio-political and economic complexities. Furthermore, systemic inequalities, political grievances, and the marginalization of local voices further aggravate the situation, undermining efforts to build inclusive and resilient institutions. The urgent need for a transformative and multidimensional strategy is evident, and one that integrates hard power, smart power, and human security principles is needed. Such an approach must address the root causes of conflict while fostering stability, trust, and sustainable development. By aligning security efforts with SDG 16, this study explores culturally inclusive and adaptive strategic solutions to ensure a peaceful and just society in Papua, paving the way for the broader achievement of the SDGs across the region. Methods: This study employs a qualitative methodology with a literature review framework supported by a thematic analysis of scholarly works, government policies, and regional data. Data collection is enriched by triangulation, incorporating semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders and analyses of policy documents. To develop comprehensive solutions, this research study assesses the interplay between coercive and non-coercive strategies within human security and strategic culture frameworks. Findings: The findings reveal that current security measures in Papua, dominated by military-focused strategies, often fail to address the root causes of conflict, including socio-economic disparities and political grievances. Approaches integrating hard power with human-centric initiatives, such as community engagement and inclusive governance, show promise in reducing tensions and fostering stability. Strategic cultural adaptations, which respect local traditions and involve community leaders in decision-making processes, have the potential to bridge trust gaps and create long-term solutions. Conclusion: An integrative strategy combining hard power, smart power, and strategic cultural adaptations is essential for addressing the Papua conflict. Enhancing stakeholder collaboration, promoting transparency, and strengthening local governance capacities are pivotal in achieving stability and supporting sustainable development. The proposed framework aims to reduce conflict intensity while aligning security efforts with the region’s socio-cultural context and developmental goals. The novelty/originality of this study is as follows: This study emphasizes the significance of adopting a multidimensional, culturally aware approach to managing security challenges in Papua. Integrating strategic culture into security and development frameworks offers innovative insights for resolving protracted conflicts in regions characterized by complex socio-political dynamics.

Abstract: This paper addresses the issue of gridlocks in the approval of prime ministers in semi-presidential countries and presidential countries with prime ministers, focusing on the case of South Korea. A game-based scheme for prime minister approval specifically designed for presidential systems like Korea's is then proposed, along with two supporting provisions. The scheme has an adjustable parameter tentatively set at 3/5 to ensure a balanced system, and it also introduces a new form of cohabitation — hard cohabitation — where the prime minister is not nominated by the president. The supporting provisions aim to cope with two challenges likely to arise from hard cohabitation: potential cabinet instability and difficulties in cooperation between the president and the prime minister. By correcting the misuse of the transition model in a previous version of this paper, we address several issues identified earlier and introduce a mechanism not present in that version: the ability for parliament to replace the prime minister following a parliamentary election. The provisions are now concise, elegant, and rigorous. The reform package proposed here is thus believed to be smooth, fair, and effective, and is strongly hoped to be adopted by South Korea or other similar countries in the future.

Abstract: This article explores the dynamic interplay between theological and secular paradigms in shaping contemporary political movements and social justice discourse, with a particular focus on the Culture War surrounding reproductive rights and gender identity. It examines the historical transition from the Judeo-Christian tradition to modern secular frameworks, highlighting how core theological concepts—such as imago Dei, the sanctity of life, and divine sovereignty—have been reinterpreted and secularized. In the context of an increasingly secular world and the resurgence of religion in a post-secular society, the article leverages Eric Voegelin’s philosophical framework to deepen the dialogue on the Culture War and secularization. The analysis argues that modern social justice ideology can be seen as the "immanentization of the eschaton”, where transcendent values are reconfigured as temporal, political constructs for ultimate justice and redemption. By tracing modern concepts of social justice back to their theological roots, this article aims to enrich debates on secularization and the ideological divisions fueling the Culture War, fostering pathways toward a more cohesive and less polarized political landscape.

Abstract: Since the publication of Volume III of Capital, the law of the tendential fall in the rate of profit (LTFRP) has been the subject of theoretical and empirical debate within the Marxian political economy. Many controversial literature on such subject has been conditioned by the absence for years of a comprehensive econometric analysis. In addition, many results refer to specific areas of production, such as USA or EU area, loosing of a possible generality, as on the contrary, the tendential law was enounced by Marx. In turn, the historically prevalent mode of production in each era can be considered as complex adaptive systems, as they exhibit self-organization, interdependence, space of possibilities, co-evolution and self-replication, all typical features of a complex system as highlighted in the last 50 years by the natural sciences. The question then is how to combine these concepts with Marx's statement of the tendency law of the falling rate of profit? In this paper, we exploit the concept of complexity and open systems for human society as a whole and economic setup as given by capitalism way of production. Based on such assumptions, we will analyse the LTFRP in a statual context like USA economy, here considered as the system of interest, coupled to the rest of world, with which the system of interest is coupled and continuously exchanges material goods and with which it organizes production and financial chains. In the picture that provides an economical system of interest, like in our case, the U.S. economy, coupled to the rest of the world, the countertendencies introduced about the falling rate of profit can be considered as dynamical corrections being the coupling between the two system (a system of interest and the larger world) as a manifestation of typical non-equilibrium systems, in a special way, as a self-replicating and self-reproducing system. In turn, in this paper, we address this issue by testing the Marx’s LTFRP with an econometric model that accounts the counter-tendencies and hence, we cross validate such model by investigating the profit rates time series for U.S. economy in the period 1945-2016. We find evidence for the period under investigation of a downward trend of approximately 3-4.5%.

Abstract: This research project examines the influence of propagandistic content on Facebook during the 2023 sectional elections in Imbabura, Ecuador. It draws attention to the strategic communication requirements that align with generational preferences and the distinctive characteristics of each digital platform. The objective is to elucidate the influence of such content on voting decisions and public perceptions of candidates. A case study approach was employed, integrating discourse analysis through Atlas.ti and the application of factor analysis to survey interpretation. The findings revealed that specific content, such as memes, exerts a notable influence on the younger electorate. This influence is reinforced by communication strategies that emphasise the frequency and repetition of this content, although no direct correlation with key demographic variables was found. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that a communication strategy devoid of value con-tent reduces social networks to mere information channels, akin to open television. In conclusion, the study emphasises the necessity for digital communication strategies that prioritise the crea-tion of valuable content for audiences, with the aim of fostering a more discerning and engaged electorate.

Abstract: In this paper I dig deep down along the slope of what touches me deeply – a democratic decline in climate politics with increasing use of hateful and threatening rhetoric – nasty rhetoric. I follow the course of critical researchers in management and organization studies, striving to move away from traditional, horizontal norms of academic writing that elision the author from the text, to-wards a more vertical writing incorporating the voice of the author. Embodying and resonating with my own emotional experiences of far-right hate and threat campaigns, I qualitatively analyze written, spoken and visual material from newspapers, magazines, blogs, podcasts, photos, vid-eos, television, radio and social media, to understand the nature of nasty rhetoric in Swedish climate politics, and the implications thereof for democracy. A far-right populist nativist party is currently holding tangible powers, dictating the ambitions, content and process of Swedish cli-mate politics. In less than two years, Swedish climate politics have turned into an antidemocratic divisive politics portraying climate science as “a point of view”, female climate journalists as “moron hags” that should be “fired” and “raped”, and the climate justice movement as “terror-ists” and “a threat to Swedish democracy” that should be “sent to prison” and “executed”. Nasty rhetoric is used not only by anonymous trolls in social media, but openly by the prime minister, cabinet ministers and parliamentarians. Their use of nasty rhetoric aims to silence the opponents to the current paradigm shift in Swedish climate policy, breaching democratic norms such as le-gitimacy, accountability and justice, but also to mobilize followers and expand they hate and threats. The opposition is also using nasty rhetoric, but of a less aggressive nature, to reveal far-right populist climate policy and politicians as a naked emperor. Nasty rhetoric is a powerful tactic to mobilize more offenders, while leaving its targets with fear and anxiety and a need for disappearance from public debate. Many targets resign or stay silent, negatively affecting plu-ralistic debates and the scrutiny of power in democracies. I chose to break the silence and write differently to increase our knowledge of the phenomenon of nasty rhetoric.

Abstract: This study investigates the relationship between decentralized party organization and inclusive local participation in decision-making processes within Nigeria's two leading political parties: the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), from 2015–2023. The study employed a multi-stage sampling technique to select 400 respondents, including national and local party leaders, assembly members, and grassroots members from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. A total of 384 valid responses were retrieved, yielding a 96% response rate. Data was collected through questionnaires administered via Google Forms, and distributed through email and social media platforms, particularly WhatsApp. Regression and correlation analyses reveal a significant positive relationship between decentralized party structures and inclusive local participation (r = 0.820, p < 0.05), with decentralized frameworks explaining 67.2% of the variance in inclusive local participation (R² = 0.672). However, regional disparities in the implementation of decentralization present challenges to its uniform effectiveness. This study emphasizes the importance of standardizing decentralization policies to enhance local decision-making, promote inclusiveness, and strengthen party institutionalization. The findings offer valuable insights for party leaders, policymakers, and researchers on how decentralization can promote internal democracy and foster stability within political parties.

Abstract: This study investigates the impact of decentralized organizational party structures on the membership stability of Nigeria's two leading political parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), between 2015 and 2023. Conducted from April to August 2024, the study focuses on how decentralized party frameworks influence membership retention, particularly in Nigeria's fragmented political landscape, where ethnic and regional divisions challenge political cohesion. A multi-stage sampling technique to select 400 respondents, including national and local party leaders, assembly members, and grassroots members from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. A total of 384 valid responses were retrieved, yielding a 96% response rate. Data collection was facilitated through questionnaires administered via Google Forms, which were distributed through email and social media platforms, with a particular focus on WhatsApp for ease of access and engagement. Regression and correlation analyses were used to assess the relationship between decentralization and membership stability. The findings reveal a strong positive correlation (r = 0.961) between decentralized structures and membership stability, with decentralization accounting for 92.4% of the variance in membership stability (R² = 0.924). This indicates that decentralization plays a crucial role in promoting party institutionalization, fostering greater engagement, loyalty, and retention among members. However, regional disparities in the effectiveness of decentralization present challenges to uniform implementation. These results underscore the importance of standardizing decentralization policies across various regions to ensure coherence and reduce membership volatility. The study recommends a harmonized framework that supports decentralized governance within political parties, enhancing internal democracy and reinforcing party unity. The research concludes by emphasizing the need for ongoing exploration into the nuances of decentralization to further support Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. This study offers valuable insights for party leaders, policymakers, and researchers interested in the institutionalization of political organizations in emerging democracies.