Over a period of nearly one hundred years, Raul Lino da Silva (1879-1974) experienced the profound political, social and economic changes that marked the twentieth century in Portugal. Having been born during the Constitutional Monarchy (1822-1910), he lived through the First Republic (1910-1926), the Military Dictatorship (1926-1933) and the Second Republic, or Estado Novo (New State, 1933-1974), and died shortly after the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974, at the dawning of the Third Republic. Raul Lino was the architect who published the most in Portugal, having become known through his advocacy of the “Campanha da casa portuguesa” (“Portuguese house campaign”), which provoked a great deal of controversy among his peers. He is less known for the transversal quality of his synthesis between architecture, the decorative arts and territory, and its underlying affirmation of an idea of the city, which we conjecture from a diagonal reading of his theoretical and plastic narrative. We limit the analysis to the first half of the 20th century, concentrating on ten case studies, that encompass architectural projects, urbanistic plans and reports. The above expound the broad conception which he defended in the same year as was held the First National Architecture Congress (1948), whose proposals ratified in Portugal the orthodoxy established in 1933 by the International Congresses of Modern Architecture (CIAM). Quoting Aristotle Raul Lino conceived the city as the locus of happiness, shaping the possibilities of consensus between tradition and modernity by means of architecture, which is both envelope and stage for our collective existence. In fact, Raul Lino anticipated themes to be found in the narratives of authors like Aldo Rossi (1966), Paul Virilio (2004, 2009) or Peter Zumthor (2006), and his thought proves particularly relevant and timely in the present day.

Two sufi women take part in activities related to sufism and create an attraction point in the secular side in Turkey.The most striking point is that both women do not wear headscarves although they are muslim women. This article attempts to show how sufi women Cemalnur Sargut and Hayatnur Artıran have idealized a Muslim woman's identity, the work they are doing to achieve this ideal, their attidue toward Rebublic values, and the effects of these attidues on their followers. This article was created from my doctoral thesis and based on Qualitative research which has been established on the basis of 2-year long participant observation and data obtained from in-depth and focus interviews. 31 women and 20 men were interviewed in depth and focus interviews.The main conclusions of my qualitative research are that the influence of theese sufi women is related with process of modernization by accelerating the establishment of the republic in Turkey. It seems that a perception has established concerning that “public apparency’’ of woman will disappear if the “apparency of body’’ disappears and the woman will return to its role which had relapsed into silence for centuries. Besides not using the headscarf, religious conversation have been created by theese sufi women in the balance of religion, philosophy and science and the fact that they are conducting their works under secular institutions such as foundations and associations have also been observed to have a very important effect on seculer side.

The present study is an attempt to investigate the factors behind spinsterhood, the sort of perception popular mindset hold on spinsters and the consequences of being a spinster. It starts with a theoretical part as a background to the topic. Then, it moves to the practical part where the study depends a field work for testing the constructed hypothesis. The field work is conducted through distributing quiet a big number of representative questionnaires. Briefly, the findings proved that the majority of respondents, 51/° believe that the society considers spinsters as those who had never been proposed to. Moreover, 52/° of respondents believes that spinsters are old women who had never been married. Both may imply a negative connotation set by society and culture for unmarried women. As to the factors behind spinsterhood, the findings proved that the majority of the respondents, 75/° refer spinsterhood to the fact that women prioritize their education and careers on marriage. For the consequences of spinsterhood, the major result demonstrates that 53/° of respondents believe that spinsters’ isolation and embarrassment is one major impact of spinsterhood.