The present paper offers a reading of three selected novels by two Anglophone Arab writers Diana Abujaber and Fadia Faqir. Our reading is fundamentally based on a philosophical post-humanist perception of other ethnic minorities as being inferior and un-human. In interpreting the three novels, Arabian Jazz (2003), My Name is Salma (2007) and Willow Trees Don’t Weep (2014), a main concern is to bring to light how Arabs –and Muslims –have been zombified and de-humanized in Western mainstream media and culture based on a biased stigmatization and stereotyping of a large heterogeneous ethnic group wherein religions, traditions, languages and cultures are diverse. Also, a pivotal preoccupation is going to be the exiling journey of the protagonists from their homelands to Western countries, and how these journeys contribute to the post-humanization of the self, the identity and the culture of Arab displaced immigrants.

In the depths of inquiry, where thoughts unfurl like tendrils of smoke, this qualitative study ventures into the enigmatic realms of diaspora, migration, and the elusive brain drain within the tapestry of the Philippines. It is a journey guided by a sturdy theoretical framework, traversing the multifaceted dimensions of society, culture, and psyche. Here, the lens expands beyond the confines of economics, delving into the essence of these phenomena, seeking profound insights that dance beneath the surface. Through meticulous analysis of empirical data, hidden truths emerge, illuminating the intricate dynamics of diaspora, the intricate patterns of migration, and the intricate threads that shape migration decisions. Moreover, it peers into the intricate tapestry of impacts that diaspora and migration have on both sending and receiving societies, casting a beam of understanding upon their social, economic, and cultural implications. The study, in its wisdom, extends its reach to offer valuable policy recommendations, serving as a compass for stakeholders and decision-makers. It emphasizes the pivotal importance of harnessing the vast potential held within diaspora, fostering social integration, and bridging the gaps in knowledge that lie in wait. In its entirety, this research harmonizes with the existing body of knowledge, blending seamlessly with the symphony of understanding, and ignites the path towards evidence-based strategies that pave the way for sustainable development and the well-being of societies near and far.

In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries around the world varied in the strength and timeliness of their responses. In Romania, specific challenges were faced with regards to managing the spread and limiting the impact of the disease, ranging from healthcare infrastructure to demographic and sociocultural aspects. As the country has a sizeable diaspora, major difficulties were faced when large numbers of individuals from highly affected areas returned to Romania. However, the fast implementation of control measures successfully averted a surge in the number of COVID-19 cases. This delayed the overburdening of an already challenged healthcare system during the initial phases of the epidemic. Furthermore, early control was facilitated by the exploitation of communication channels that penetrated all layers of society, from ordinary citizens to governmental authorities and high-ranking religious figures. The management of the COVID-19 crisis in Romania illustrates the importance of a fast initial response which takes into account the role played by sociocultural aspects in the context of an epidemic. As the challenges faced by Romania are not unique, these results could inform future public health strategies worldwide.

The prerogative to narrate the experience of marginal identities, particularly ethno-religious ones, appeared only in the post-occupation era in Iraqi fiction. Traditionally, secular Iraqi discourse struggled to openly address “sectarianism” due to the prevalent notion that sectarian identities are mutually exclusive and oppositional to national identity. It is distinctly in post-2003 Iraq—more precisely, since the sectarian violence of 2006–2007 began to cut across class, civil society, and urban identities—that works which consciously refuse to depict normative Iraqi identities with their mainstream formulations become noticeable. We witness this development first in the Western diaspora, where Iraqi novels exhibit a fascination with the ethno-religious culture of the Iraqi margins or subalterns and impart a message of pluralistic secularism. This paper investigates the origins of the taboo that proscribed articulations of ethno-religious subjectivities in 20^th-century Iraqi fiction, and then culls examples of recent diasporic Iraqi novels in which these subjectivities are encoded and amplified in distinct ways. In the diasporic novel, I argue, modern Iraqi intellectuals attain the conceptual and political distance necessary for contending retrospectively with their formative socialization experiences in Iraq. Through a new medium of marginalization—the diasporic experience of the authors themselves—they are equipped with a newfound desire to unmask subcultures in Iraq and to write more effectively about marginal aspects of Iraqi identity inside and outside the country. These new diasporic writings showcase processes of ethnic and religious socialization in the Iraqi public sphere. The result is deconstruction of mainstream Iraqi identity narratives and instrumentalization of marginal identities in a nonviolent struggle against sectarian violence.

The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela were two of the world's most iconic civil (political) (human) rights advocates and leaders of all time. Both advocated for, and to varying degrees, applied elements of peaceful protests to the achievement of their goals. Both spent time in jail, often concurrently, but eventually forced their respective countries to extend the same rights that white populations had denied Africans and African Americans. For the US, civil rights, voting rights, right to education, housing and housing loans suggested that equality had been achieved, capped in South Africa by the election of Nelson Mandela as the first majority-rule president, and in the US, by Barack Obama’s election to the presidency. Yet the historical over-policing, police mistreatment and more generally, the judicial system’s inordinate ‘targeting’ of African Americans, with egregious cases running from Emmett Till to Rodney King to Walter Scott to Breonna Taylor to George Floyd to Rayshard Brooks and thousands of others shows the danger of such magical thinking. The now-persistent global wave pursuing human rights, civil rights and the right to be treated equally, primarily driven by the loosely-organized Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, has become the leading voice in pursuit of equality. Riots such as those in LA, protests in Ferguson and everywhere in summer 2020 has ushered new civil rights campaign. In the US and elsewhere, it has morphed to include historical issues such as monuments to colonialism, the US civil war, slavery and slave owners and traders, institutions, companies and people whose wealth and existence has links to slavery. Instructively, the protests persisted even as COVID-19, the hundred-year plague, continues to ravage the world. Lost in the moment is the absence of central leadership and leaders such as MLK or Mandela. Their charisma and effectiveness has been lacking for 50 years. This paper evaluates whether this has led to inconsistent civil and human rights pursuit for equality, or whether perchance, Mandela and MLK were extraordinary, once-in-a-lifetime transformative leaders uniquely selected by history for their time.