While the scientific community has focused on documenting environmental degradation and developing scenarios that help identify the operational margins for system Earth, less attention has been given to the mental models of decision-makers that underpin environmental policies. We suggest that global efforts to stop deforestation and biodiversity loss are failing in part due to a critical blind spot in the analysis—human agency. To address this weakness, we propose to formulate mental models and translate them into strategy games. This will increase the representation of agency in scenario development and create spaces for deliberation between different worldviews. We claim that personal transformation can be achieved through transparent democratic dialogues that identify, challenge, and respond to the human and social limitations inherent to decision-making and we present empirical examples that validate that claim. Their transformation through gaming gives decision-makers access to the experience of consciousness: “what is it like being a stakeholder?”. Such experience will help to break free of established norms in science and political processes.

Leclère et al.¹ have outlined the possibility of a biodiversity transition for the 21^st century, a line of thinking equivalent to the Forest Transition theory and what it says about forest cover globally². The authors use a suite of global models to explore the impacts on global biodiversity of interventions on land-use, consumption and production patterns. They outline six strategies that have the potential to stop the downfall of global terrestrial biodiversity by 2050 and redress it to a pre-1970 level by 2100. Although robust, sophisticated and well-illustrated, the conclusions of this paper cannot alone be used to frame a post-2020 biodiversity strategy.

Background and objectives: In the current context, the 2021 presidential elections in Peru distance from the social objective, not being objectively represented, that is why we analyze their validity, we determine the distances between the parties if they are extreme, the correspondences with the departments and their prospects, in the surveys we propose which departments influence the results. Methods: We use a mixed methodology, qualitative analysis, it will be multidimensional with the support of statistical methods and programs such as R Studio, worddj, Gephi, and Iramuteq. The quantitative analysis will be through factor analysis, correspondence and discriminant analysis to the data of the election Results and conclusions: The textual analysis mentions that there are dimensions such as the social issue, the results of the surveys and democracy that are far apart, regarding the electoral issue. This inculcates to work both on the part of the organisms that carry out these processes, as well as the initiative of the candidates, and the media. Regarding the quantitative analysis, it is detailed that the representative parties must be greater than 4.0 million voters, to make representative parties at the national level. The classification regarding the percentage of votes is given in three groups, highlighting the independence of the Peru Libre political party in these . In the correspondence analysis we can detail that both Fuerza Popular and Peru Libre are extremist parties. The vast majority of Peruvian citizens have an ideological tendency, intermediate between both parties. The prospective projections with a cross section give a victory to the Peru Libre party. In the discriminant analysis, the sample for the surveys focuses on 7 departments that does not include the Peruvian capital.

This paper examines the indirect effect of democracy on economic growth using a dataset of 17 MENA countries from 1990 to 2015. Democracy is assumed to affect growth through a series of channels: education, health, physical capital accumulation per labor, government consumption, and trade openness. A system of six simultaneous equations, 3SLS, is used to estimate the effect of democracy on growth through these channels. For further analysis, the countries are classified into groups according to the democratic status on the one side, and the level of income on the other. The results indicate that democracy enhances growth through its positive effect on health in all classifications of countries within the MENA region. However, the effect of democracy on growth through education and physical capital/labor is non-monotonic. Democracy always hinders growth through government size and trade openness. Once all of these indirect effects are accounted for, the overall effect of democracy on growth is negative in less democratic countries and poor countries, but positive in more democratic countries and rich countries.

We live in the time of profound transformations commonly labelled with the word “globalization”. The rise of one ecological-technological-social system encompassing our whole planet is an important element of these processes. Solving big global problems demands knowledge of two complementary sorts: on the one hand – going “in depth”, on the other – going “in breadth”. The present paper assumes the second (in a sense: philosophical) perspective. It tries to analyze some relations between the development of technology (IT) and the development of democracy. The notion of democracy, its various forms and axiological reasons for it are considered first. In the subsequent chapter different consequences (both positive and negative) the IT development has for contemporary democracy are discussed. In the next chapter the evolutionary nature of the technological development is debated as well as the question of (democratic) control of this process. The development of Artificial General Intelligence is presented as a challenge for democracy

The latest IPCC report forcefully states that immediate, decisive, and large-scale actions are needed to avert climate catastrophe. This essay presumes that democratic governments are best and most desirably positioned to take these actions. Yet in the countries most pivotal to global climate, significant voting blocs are uninterested in environmental issues. The essay urges adding bottom-up dialog between environmental and anti-environmental voters, to current and future top-down technocratic “solutions.” To make this combination result in a unified pro-environment electorate, we must understand: religious objections to environmentalism; the capital-vs.-knowledge strife that slows polluting corporations’ green transitions; and the psychological mechanisms that can make inter-group dialog fruitful.

This article aims to create the nexus between sustainable development and the quality of the political regime. The current social and political context is characterized by a series of crises generated by COVID-19 pandemic, economic imbalances and regional conflicts. In this context, sustainable development is affected by the economic dynamics and the “democratic recession”. The study aims to respond to the following research questions: “how could influence the quality of the democracy the dynamics of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs 17)?” and “what are the premises for sustainable development in the new political context, characterized by democratic recession?” The purpose of the study is to underline the fact that democratic regimes are inclined to create both participative and deliberative frames for achieving the SDGs in accordance with UN 2030 Agenda. The research methodology used in this study is based on descriptive and inferential statistics. The research data are collected from secondary sources in the years between 2015 and 2021, from 193 countries covering all the geographical areas. The empirical results suggest two models of development: the Asian model of sustainable development characterized by economic growth and the Western democratic model based on democratic institutions, fair justice and mechanisms for preserving peace. We noticed that the key-variables for explaining the dynamics of sustainability in correlation with democratic index are represented by the functioning of the governments and the political participation. Through civic engagement and political ac-countability, democracy could be seen as a pre-requisite for achieving an optimal level of the SDGs. All these empirical results could prove valuable for the scholars interested in the relation between democracy and sustainability and for the political decision makers involved in shaping strategies for social, economic and environmental development.

As distinct human societies, three unique intentional communities are investigated regarding their preferred consensus decision-making practices. It is Identified that each has adopted a different form of consensus decision-making to solve potential group-wide interpersonal conflict. The individual attributes of these three consensus decision-making practices are considered, both from the perspective of maintaining group stability and in relation to individual member's mental health. The communities are a Canadian self-directed public senior elementary and secondary school, an annual English conference for those self-identifying as on the autistic spectrum, and a self-producing Korean popular music (K-pop) group. It is found that the intentional community and participants’ mental health are sustained regarding each of the three consensus decision-making practices. Nevertheless, the resulting decisions generate various stresses within the communities, both as a whole and concerning the individual members. To retain group cohesion and maintain individual mental health, these stresses must be recognized and understood by participants. The novel finding of this research is that, dependent on the time available for decision-making, and the members’ perspective adopted, intentional communities might practice more than one form of consensus decision-making and still support both group cohesion and individual mental health, maintaining the democracy of these distinct societies.

In this work, a general framework for the analysis of governance of artificial intelligence is presented. A dashboard is presented for this analysis from the perspective of political theory. The dashboard allows eventual comparisons between democratic and non democratic regimes, useful for countries in the global south and western countries. The dashboard allows us to assess the key features that determine the governance model for artificial intelligence at the national level, for local governments and for other participant actors. The dashboard allows us to appraise aims of AI strategy and aims left aside in alternative strategies. The work shows the theoretical framework could be of use to advance case studies globally, and comparative endeavors. Applying the theoretical dashboard, the case study on China has been undertaken. These are the main points the study tackles in the final discussion, conclusion and further recommendations: 1) the complex reality of AI command and control 2) uncertainties about future society and the polity against AI development and 3) particular cultural values enshrined in countries' AI development.

This paper explores ballot split by type and introduces universal measures of democratic power flow and accountable local representation. These measures allow definitive comparison of electoral systems between countries, and choice of a new electoral system within a country based on existing data and with minimum assumptions.

E-petitioning is a useful object of study for observing the potential emergence of a new relationship to politics and new forms of political participation. Access to a dataset of hundreds of thousands of users of an electronic petitioning platform, provides the opportunity to overcome a certain number of limitations that are associated with traditional methods of studying political participation, since it allows us to focus on the reality of the signatories’ behaviour rather than on their declarations. We follow the traces left by the petitioners on this site to better understand the process of dissemination of an online petition, and its linked with offline activities. Our examination of the three most signed petitions in the ‘environment’ category, combining an analysis of their petitioning dynamics and an analysis of the comments attached to them, allows us to show: firstly, that there is an interwoven relationship between the local anchoring of the mobilisation and the processes of dissemination by which petitions extend from local signatories to signatories who are geographically more distant; and secondly, that it is not accurate to imagine that just anyone can sign any petition, since petitioning dynamics proceed from one person to the next, whether these dynamics start from a pre-existing local anchorage on the ground, or act through a platform effect which is dependent on the attractiveness of the petition in question.

This paper aims to stress the nexus between sustainable development, economic freedom and local participatory democracy in 21 European smart cities. The development of smart cities is strongly correlated with technological advancements and improved access to pub-lic services for all residents. Furthermore, smart cities are characterized by efficient man-agement of social, economic and environmental resources and a strong partnership be-tween the public and private sectors. The paper aims to map the dynamics of local partic-ipatory democracy in European smart cities and to identify several relevant predictors of local participatory democracy. The sample is represented by 21 European capitals (20 EU countries plus UK), which are included in the Smart City Index (SCI). Using the quantita-tive design based on both statistical regressions and structural equations modelling (SEM), the paper shows positive statistical correlation between economic factors, sustainable de-velopment, political culture, education and the level of local participatory democracy. Be-sides the exogenous variables, the study emphasized the main priority areas, which might be seen as urgent issues for local governments. The conclusion of the paper underlines the fact that economic freedom, sustainable development, upper secondary education, afford-able housing and an increased level of citizens’ engagement could predict further evolu-tions of the local participatory democracy in 21 European capitals.

Abstract: The internationally accepted goals of eliminating climate gas emissions implies substantial investments in renewable energy (RE) facilities. This will inevitably lead to major impacts on landscapes. Landscape concerns linked to RE facilities are already leading to controversies in many local communities. In this article, we focus on the question of landscape democracy related to the establishment of RE facilities. Based on recommendations from the European Landscape Convention, an analytical framework is presented identifying three main dimensions of landscape democracy, followed by an overview of arrangements, procedures and methods that are or may be used to encourage democracy. The procedures and methods are analysed based on examples from Denmark and Norway. This is followed by an analysis of decision levels with a special focus on the principle of subsidiarity. Finally, recommendations are presented to strengthen landscape democracy in relation to the installation of RE-facilities.